Varieties of Arabic


Varieties of Arabic are the linguistic systems that Arabic speakers speak natively. Arabic is a Semitic language within the Afroasiatic family that originated in the Syrian desert and Arabian Peninsula. There are considerable variations from region to region, with degrees of mutual intelligibility that are often related to geographical distance and some that are mutually unintelligible. Many aspects of the variability attested to in these modern variants can be found in the ancient Arabic dialects in the peninsula. Likewise, many of the features that characterize the various modern variants can be attributed to the original settler dialects as well as local native languages and dialects. Some organizations, such as SIL International, consider these approximately 30 different varieties to be separate languages, while others, such as the Library of Congress, consider them all to be dialects of Arabic.
In terms of sociolinguistics, a major distinction exists between the formal standardized language, found mostly in writing or in prepared speech, and the widely diverging vernaculars, used for everyday speaking situations. The latter vary from country to country, from speaker to speaker, and depending on the topic and situation. In other words, Arabic in its natural environment usually occurs in a situation of diglossia, which means that its native speakers often learn and use two linguistic forms substantially different from each other, the Modern Standard Arabic as the official language and a local colloquial variety, in different aspects of their lives.
This situation is often compared in Western literature to the Latin language, which maintained a cultured variant and several vernacular versions for centuries, until it disappeared as a spoken language, while derived Romance languages became new languages, such as Italian, Catalan, Aragonese, Occitan, French, Arpitan, Spanish, Galician, Portuguese, Asturleonese, Romanian and more. The regionally prevalent variety is learned as the speaker's first language whilst the formal language is subsequently learned in school. While vernacular varieties differ substantially, fuṣḥa, the formal register, is standardized and universally understood by those literate in Arabic. Linguists often make a distinction between Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic, while speakers of Arabic colloquially do not differentiate CA and MSA as different varieties.
The largest differences between the classical/standard and the colloquial Arabic are the loss of grammatical case; a different and strict word order; the loss of the previous system of grammatical mood, along with the evolution of a new system; the loss of the inflected passive voice, except in a few relic varieties; restriction in the use of the dual number and the loss of the distinctive conjugation and agreement for feminine plurals. Many Arabic dialects, Maghrebi Arabic in particular, also have significant vowel shifts and unusual consonant clusters. Unlike other dialect groups, in the Maghrebi Arabic group, first-person singular verbs begin with a n-. Further substantial differences exist between Bedouin and sedentary speech, the countryside and major cities, ethnic groups, religious groups, social classes, men and women, and the young and the old. These differences are to some degree bridgeable. Often, Arabic speakers can adjust their speech in a variety of ways according to the context and to their intentions—for example, to speak with people from different regions, to demonstrate their level of education or to draw on the authority of the spoken language.
In terms of typological classification, Arabic dialectologists distinguish between two basic norms: Bedouin and Sedentary. This is based on a set of phonological, morphological, and syntactic characteristics that distinguish between these two norms. However, it is not really possible to keep this classification, partly because the modern dialects, especially urban variants, typically amalgamate features from both norms. Geographically, modern Arabic varieties are classified into five groups: Maghrebi, Egyptian, Mesopotamian, Levantine and Peninsular Arabic. Speakers from distant areas, across national borders, within countries and even between cities and villages, can struggle to understand each other's dialects.

Classification

Regional varieties

The greatest variations between kinds of Arabic are those between regional language groups. Arabic dialectologists formerly distinguished between just two groups: the Mashriqi dialects, east of Libya which includes the dialects of Arabian Peninsula, Mesopotamia, Levant, Egypt, Sudan, and the Maghrebi dialects which includes the dialects of North Africa west of Egypt. The mutual intelligibility is high within each of those two groups, while the intelligibility between the two groups is asymmetric: Maghrebi speakers are more likely to understand Mashriqi than vice versa.
Arab dialectologists have now adopted a more detailed classification for modern variants of the language, which is divided into five major groups: Peninsular, Mesopotamian, Levantine, Egypto-Sudanic or Nile Valley, and Maghrebi.
These large regional groups do not correspond to borders of modern states. In the western parts of the Arab world, varieties are referred to as الدارجة ad-dārija, and in the eastern parts, as العامية al-ʿāmmiyya. Nearby varieties of Arabic are mostly mutually intelligible, but faraway varieties tend not to be. Varieties west of Egypt are particularly disparate, with Egyptian Arabic speakers claiming difficulty in understanding North African Arabic speakers, while North African Arabic speakers' ability to understand other Arabic speakers is mostly due to the widespread popularity of Egyptian and Levantine popular media. This phenomenon is called asymmetric intelligibility.
One factor in the differentiation of the varieties is the influence from other languages previously spoken or still presently spoken in the regions, such as
are influenced by the Berber languages, as well as Spanish and French due to these countries' long colonization of the region.
are influenced by the various Nubian languages, and the Beja language.
are mainly influenced by the Coptic language.
The two Mesopotamian dialects are influenced by the various ancient Mesopotamian languages, as well as Persian and Ottoman Turkish.
are influenced by Aramaic, and, to a lesser extent, Ottoman Turkish, Greek, Persian, and French due to the French mandate:
The varieties of the Arabian peninsula are influenced by the South Arabian languages.
Jewish varieties are influenced by the Hebrew and Aramaic languages. Though they have features similar to each other, they are not a homogeneous unit and still belong philologically to the same family groupings as their non-Judeo counterpart varieties.
There have been a number of Arabic-based pidgins and creoles throughout history, including a number of new ones emerging today. These may be broadly divided into the Sudanic pidgins and creoles, which share a common ancestry, and incipient immigrant pidgins.

Creoles

Arabic is characterized by a wide number of varieties; however, Arabic speakers are often able to manipulate the way they speak based on the circumstances. There can be a number of motives for changing one's speech: the formality of a situation, the need to communicate with people with different dialects, to get social approval, to differentiate oneself from the listener, when citing a written text to differentiate between personal and professional or general matters, to clarify a point, and to shift to a new topic.
An important factor in the mixing or changing of Arabic is the concept of a prestige dialect. This refers to the level of respect accorded to a language or dialect within a speech community. The formal Arabic language carries a considerable prestige in most Arabic-speaking communities, depending on the context. This is not the only source of prestige, though. Many studies have shown that for most speakers, there is a prestige variety of vernacular Arabic. In Egypt, for non-Cairenes, the prestige dialect is Cairo Arabic. For Jordanian women from Bedouin or rural background, it may be the urban dialects of the big cities, especially including the capital Amman. Moreover, in certain contexts, a dialect relatively different from formal Arabic may carry more prestige than a dialect closer to the formal language—this is the case in Bahrain, for example.
Language mixes and changes in different ways. Arabic speakers often use more than one variety of Arabic within a conversation or even a sentence. This process is referred to as code-switching. For example, a woman on a TV program could appeal to the authority of the formal language by using elements of it in her speech in order to prevent other speakers from cutting her off. Another process at work is "leveling", the "elimination of very localised dialectical features in favour of more regionally general ones." This can affect all linguistic levels—semantic, syntactic, phonological, etc. The change can be temporary, as when a group of speakers with substantially different Arabics communicate, or it can be permanent, as often happens when people from the countryside move to the city and adopt the more prestigious urban dialect, possibly over a couple of generations.
This process of accommodation sometimes appeals to the formal language, but often does not. For example, villagers in central Palestine may try to use the dialect of Jerusalem rather than their own when speaking with people with substantially different dialects, particularly since they may have a very weak grasp of the formal language. In another example, groups of educated speakers from different regions will often use dialectical forms that represent a middle ground between their dialects rather than trying to use the formal language, to make communication easier and more comprehensible. For example, to express the existential "there is", Arabic speakers have access to many different words:
  • Iraq and Kuwait:
  • Egypt, the Levant, and most of the Arabian Peninsula:
  • Tunisia:
  • Morocco and Algeria:
  • Yemen:
  • Modern Standard Arabic:
In this case, is most likely to be used as it is not associated with a particular region and is the closest to a dialectical middle ground for this group of speakers. Moreover, given the prevalence of movies and TV shows in Egyptian Arabic, the speakers are all likely to be familiar with it. Iraqi/Kuwaiti aku, Levantine fīh and North African kayn all evolve from Classical Arabic forms, but now sound different.
Sometimes a certain dialect may be associated with backwardness and does not carry mainstream prestige—yet it will continue to be used as it carries a kind of covert prestige and serves to differentiate one group from another when necessary.

Sedentary and nomadic varieties

A basic distinction that cuts across the entire geography of the Arabic-speaking world is between sedentary and nomadic varieties. The distinction stems from the settlement patterns in the wake of the Arab conquests. As regions were conquered, army camps were set up that eventually grew into cities, and settlement of the rural areas by nomadic Arabs gradually followed thereafter. In some areas, sedentary dialects are divided further into urban and rural variants.
The most obvious phonetic difference between the two groups is the pronunciation of the letter ق qaf, which is pronounced as a voiced in the urban varieties of the Arabian Peninsula as well as in the Bedouin dialects across all Arabic-speaking countries, but is voiceless mainly in post-Arabized urban centers as either or in the urban centers of Egypt and the Levant. The latter were mostly Arabized after the Islamic Conquests.
The other major phonetic difference is that the rural varieties preserve the Classical Arabic interdentals ث and ذ, and merge the CA emphatic sounds ض and ظ into rather than sedentary.
The most significant differences between rural Arabic and non-rural Arabic are in syntax. The sedentary varieties in particular share a number of common innovations from CA. This has led to the suggestion, first articulated by Charles Ferguson, that a simplified koiné language developed in the army staging camps in Iraq, whence the remaining parts of the modern Arab world were conquered.
In general, the rural varieties are more conservative than the sedentary varieties and the rural varieties within the Arabian peninsula are even more conservative than those elsewhere. Within the sedentary varieties, the western varieties are less conservative than the eastern varieties.
A number of cities in the Arabic world speak a "Bedouin" variety, which acquires prestige in that context.

Examples of major regional differences

The following example illustrates similarities and differences between the literary, standardized varieties, and major urban dialects of Arabic. Maltese, a highly divergent Siculo-Arabic language descended from Maghrebi Arabic is also provided.
''True pronunciations differ; transliterations used approach an approximate demonstration. Also, the pronunciation of Modern Standard Arabic differs significantly from region to region.''

Other regional differences

"Peripheral" varieties of Arabic – that is, varieties spoken in countries where Arabic is not a dominant language and a lingua franca – are particularly divergent in some respects, especially in their vocabularies, since they are less influenced by classical Arabic. However, historically they fall within the same dialect classifications as the varieties that are spoken in countries where Arabic is the dominant language. Because most of these peripheral dialects are located in Muslim majority countries, they are now influenced by Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic, the Arabic varieties of the Qur'an and their Arabic-speaking neighbours, respectively.
Probably the most divergent non-creole Arabic variety is Cypriot Maronite Arabic, a nearly extinct variety that has been heavily influenced by Greek, and written in Greek and Latin alphabets.
Maltese is descended from Siculo-Arabic. Its vocabulary has acquired a large number of loanwords from Sicilian, Italian and more recently English, and it uses only a Latin-based alphabet. It is the only Semitic language among the official languages of the European Union.
Arabic-based pidgins are in widespread use along the southern edge of the Sahara, and have been for a long time. In the eleventh century, the medieval geographer al-Bakri records a text in an Arabic-based pidgin, probably one that was spoken in the region corresponding to modern Mauritania. In some regions, particularly around South Sudan, the pidgins have creolized.
Immigrant speakers of Arabic often incorporate a significant amount of vocabulary from the host-country language in their speech, in a situation analogous to Spanglish in the United States.
Even within countries where the official language is Arabic, different varieties of Arabic are spoken. For example, within Syria, the Arabic spoken in Homs is recognized as different from the Arabic spoken in Damascus, but both are considered to be varieties of "Levantine" Arabic. And within Morocco, the Arabic of the city of Fes is considered different from the Arabic spoken elsewhere in the country.

Mutual intelligibility

Geographically distant colloquial varieties usually differ enough to be mutually unintelligible, and some linguists consider them distinct languages. However, research by Trentman & Shiri indicates a high degree of mutual intelligibility between closely related Arabic variants for native speakers listening to words, sentences, and texts; and between more distantly related dialects in interactional situations.
Egyptian Arabic is one of the most widely understood Arabic dialects due to a thriving Egyptian television and movie industry, and Egypt's highly influential role in the region for much of the 20th century.

Formal and vernacular differences

Another way that varieties of Arabic differ is that some are formal and others are colloquial. There are two formal varieties, or اللغة الفصحى al-lugha al-fuṣḥá, One of these, known in English as Modern Standard Arabic, is used in contexts such as writing, broadcasting, interviewing, and speechmaking. The other, Classical Arabic, is the language of the Qur'an. It is rarely used except in reciting the Qur'an or quoting older classical texts. Modern Standard Arabic was deliberately developed in the early part of the 19th century as a modernized version of Classical Arabic.
People often use a mixture of both colloquial and formal Arabic. For example, interviewers or speechmakers generally use MSA in asking prepared questions or making prepared remarks, then switch to a colloquial variety to add a spontaneous comment or respond to a question. The ratio of MSA to colloquial varieties depends on the speaker, the topic, and the situation—amongst other factors. Today even the least educated citizens are exposed to MSA through public education and exposure to mass media, and so tend to use elements of it in speaking to others. This is an example of what linguistics researchers call diglossia. See Linguistic register.
Egyptian linguist Al-Said Badawi proposed the following distinctions between the different "levels of speech" involved when speakers of Egyptian Arabic switch between vernacular and formal Arabic varieties:
  • فصحى التراث fuṣḥá at-turāṯ, 'heritage classical': The Classical Arabic of Arab literary heritage and the Qur'an. This is primarily a written language, but it is heard in spoken form at the mosque or in religious programmes on television, but with a modernized pronunciation.
  • فصحى العصر fuṣḥá al-ʿaṣr, 'contemporary classical' or 'modernized classical': This is what Western linguists call Modern Standard Arabic. It is a modification and simplification of Classical Arabic that was deliberately created for the modern age. Consequently, it includes many newly coined words, either adapted from Classical Arabic, or borrowed from foreign, chiefly European, languages. Although it is principally a written language, it is spoken when people read aloud from prepared texts. Highly skilled speakers can also produce it spontaneously, though this typically occurs only in the context of media broadcasts – particularly in talk and debate programs on pan-Arab television networks such as Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya – where the speakers want to be simultaneously understood by Arabic speakers in all the various countries where these networks' target audiences live. If highly skilled speakers use it spontaneously, it is spoken when Arabic speakers of different dialects communicate with each other. Commonly used as a written language, it is found in most books, newspapers, magazines, official documents, and reading primers for small children; it is also used as another version of literary form of the Qur'an and in modernized revisions of writings from Arab literary heritage.
  • عامية المثقفين ʿāmmiyyat al-muṯaqqafīn, 'colloquial of the cultured' : This is a vernacular dialect that has been heavily influenced by MSA, i.e. borrowed words from MSA ; loanwords from MSA replace or are sometimes used alongside native words evolved from Classical Arabic in colloquial dialects. It tends to be used in serious discussions by well-educated people, but is generally not used in writing except informally. It includes a large number of foreign loanwords, chiefly relating to the technical and theoretical subjects it is used to discuss, sometimes used in non-intellectual topics. Because it can generally be understood by listeners who speak varieties of Arabic different from those of the speaker's country of origin, it is often used on television, and it is also becoming the language of instruction at universities.
  • عامية المتنورين ʿāmmiyyat al-mutanawwarīn 'colloquial of the basically educated': This is the everyday language that people use in informal contexts, and that is heard on television when non-intellectual topics are being discussed. It is characterized, according to Badawi, by high levels of borrowing. Educated speakers usually code-switch between ʿāmmiyyat al-muṯaqqafīn and ʿāmmiyyat al-mutanawwarīn.
  • عامية الأميين ʿāmmiyyat al-ʾummiyyīn, 'colloquial of the illiterates': This is very colloquial speech characterized by the absence of any influence from MSA and by relatively little foreign borrowing.
Almost everyone in Egypt is able to use more than one of these levels of speech, and people often switch between them, sometimes within the same sentence. This is generally true in other Arabic-speaking countries as well.
The spoken dialects of Arabic have occasionally been written, usually in the Arabic alphabet. Vernacular Arabic was first recognized as a written language distinct from Classical Arabic in 17th century Ottoman Egypt, when the Cairo elite began to trend towards colloquial writing. A record of the Cairo vernacular of the time is found in the dictionary compiled by Yusuf al-Maghribi. More recently, many plays and poems, as well as a few other works exist in Lebanese Arabic and Egyptian Arabic; books of poetry, at least, exist for most varieties. In Algeria, colloquial Maghrebi Arabic was taught as a separate subject under French colonization, and some textbooks exist. Mizrahi Jews throughout the Arab world who spoke Judeo-Arabic dialects rendered newspapers, letters, accounts, stories, and translations of some parts of their liturgy in the Hebrew alphabet, adding diacritics and other conventions for letters that exist in Judeo-Arabic but not Hebrew. The Latin alphabet was advocated for Lebanese Arabic by Said Aql, whose supporters published several books in his transcription. In 1944, Abdelaziz Pasha Fahmi, a member of the Academy of the Arabic Language in Egypt proposed the replacement of the Arabic alphabet with the Latin alphabet. His proposal was discussed in two sessions in the communion but was rejected, and faced strong opposition in cultural circles. The Latin alphabet is used by Arabic speakers over the Internet or for sending messages via cellular phones when the Arabic alphabet is unavailable or difficult to use for technical reasons; this is also used in Modern Standard Arabic when Arabic speakers of different dialects communicate each other.

Linguistic distance to MSA

Three scientific papers concluded, using various natural language processing techniques, that Levantine dialects were the closest colloquial varieties, in terms of lexical similarity, to Modern Standard Arabic: Harrat et al., El-Haj et al., and Abu Kwaik et al..

Sociolinguistic variables

is the study of how language usage is affected by societal factors, e.g., cultural norms and contexts. The following sections examine some of the ways that modern Arab societies influence how Arabic is spoken.

Religion

In the Arab world, religion transcends the boundaries of personal belief, functioning as a pervasive and influential force in every facet of life. It is deeply embedded within the social fabric, permeating language, politics, and cultural identity. From birth, individuals are not only given a name but are also ascribed a place within a specific religious order: whether as Muslims, divided into Sunni or Shia, or as Christians, Druze, or Jews. These religious identities are not fluid or optional; rather, they are firmly entrenched, shaping and defining the individual’s experience. Even language itself is moulded by this religious framework, reflecting the collective identity and adjusting to the intricate balance of belief systems. Religion in this context functions as a sociopolitical construct, inextricably linked to the authority of the state and its historical evolution. It speaks for the individual, often before they can express themselves, and thus, the interplay between faith and politics must be fully understood to grasp the complexities of the language and culture of the Arab world. Religion and politics here are intertwined to such a degree that they cannot be separated.
Bahrain offers a clear example of the intricate relationship between religion, identity, and societal structures in the Arab world. A significant distinction exists between the Shiite population, Bahrain's oldest and most established community, and the Sunni population, which began migrating to the island in the 18th century. Despite being a minority, the Sunni population holds a dominant position, with the ruling family of Bahrain being Sunni. This dominance is reflected in the public sphere, where the colloquial language presented on television and in media is almost exclusively that of the Sunni community. As a result, power, prestige, and economic control are closely associated with the Sunni Arabs. This socio-political dynamic exerts a profound influence on the evolution of language in Bahrain, steering its development in line with the interests and cultural practices of the Sunni minority.
The case of Iraq further exemplifies how religious affiliation can significantly influence linguistic variation within the Arab world. This observation is drawn from a study conducted prior to the Iraq War and the mass emigration of Iraqi Christians in the early 21st century. In Baghdad, notable differences exist between the Arabic spoken by Christian and Muslim residents. The Christian community in Baghdad is longstanding, and their dialect traces its roots to the sedentary vernacular of urban medieval Iraq. By contrast, the typical Muslim dialect of the city is a more recent development, originating from Bedouin speech patterns. As in other parts of the Arab world, both communities in Baghdad share Modern Standard Arabic as the prestigious form of the language. However, the Muslim colloquial dialect is more closely associated with power and economic dominance, reflecting the greater influence of the Muslim community in the city. Consequently, Christians often adopt the Muslim dialect in formal or public contexts—such as a Christian school teacher addressing students—demonstrating the extent to which language in Baghdad, and the wider Arab world, is shaped by the prevailing sociopolitical landscape.

Variation

Writing system

Morphology and syntax

;All varieties, sedentary and nomadic, differ in the following ways from Classical Arabic :
  • The order subject–verb–object may be more common than verb–subject–object.
  • Verbal agreement between subject and object is always complete.
  • * In CA, there was no number agreement between subject and verb when the subject was third-person and the subject followed the verb.
  • Loss of case distinctions.
  • Loss of original mood distinctions other than the indicative and imperative.
  • * The dialects differ in how exactly the new indicative was developed from the old forms. The sedentary dialects adopted the old subjunctive forms, while many of the Bedouin dialects adopted the old indicative forms.
  • * The sedentary dialects subsequently developed new mood distinctions; see below.
  • Loss of dual marking everywhere except on nouns.
  • * A frozen dual persists as the regular plural marking of a small number of words that normally come in pairs.
  • * In addition, a productive dual marking on nouns exists in most dialects. This dual marking differs syntactically from the frozen dual in that it cannot take possessive suffixes. In addition, it differs morphologically from the frozen dual in various dialects, such as Levantine Arabic.
  • * The productive dual differs from CA in that its use is optional, whereas the use of the CA dual was mandatory even in cases of implicitly dual reference.
  • * The CA dual was marked not only on nouns, but also on verbs, adjectives, pronouns and demonstratives; the dual in those varieties that have them is analyzed as plural for agreement with verbs, adjectives, pronouns, and demonstratives.
  • Development of an analytic genitive construction with the usage of حق ḥagg, بتاع bitāʕ, تاع tāʕ, ديال diyāl etc. to rival the constructed genitive.
  • * The Bedouin dialects make the least use of the analytic genitive. Moroccan Arabic makes the most use of it, to the extent that the constructed genitive is no longer productive, and used only in certain relatively frozen constructions.
  • The relative pronoun is no longer inflected.
  • * In CA, it took gender, number and case endings.
  • Pronominal clitics ending in a short vowel moved the vowel before the consonant.
  • * Hence, second singular and rather than and ; third singular masculine rather than.
  • * Similarly, the feminine plural verbal marker became.
  • * Because of the absolute prohibition in all Arabic dialects against having two vowels in hiatus, the above changes occurred only when a consonant preceded the ending. When a vowel preceded, the forms either remained as-is or lost the final vowel, becoming,, and, respectively. Combined with other phonetic changes, this resulted in multiple forms for each clitic, depending on the phonetic environment.
  • * The verbal markers and both became, while second singular feminine remained. Mesopotamian dialects in southeastern Turkey are an exception for they retain the ending for first person singular.
  • * In the dialect of southern Nejd, the second singular masculine has been retained, but takes the form of a long vowel rather than a short one as in CA.
  • * The forms given here were the original forms, and have often suffered various changes in the modern dialects.
  • * All of these changes were triggered by the loss of final short vowels.
  • Various simplifications have occurred in the range of variation in verbal paradigms.
  • * Third-weak verbs with radical and radical have merged in the form I perfect tense. They had already merged in CA, except in form I.
  • * Form I perfect ' verbs have disappeared, often merging with '.
  • * Doubled verbs now have the same endings as third-weak verbs.
  • * Some endings of third-weak verbs have been replaced by those of the strong verbs.
;All dialects except some Bedouin dialects of the Arabian peninsula share the following innovations from CA:
  • Loss of the inflected passive in finite verb forms.
  • * New passives have often been developed by co-opting the original reflexive formations in CA, particularly verb forms V, VI and VII.
  • * Hassaniya Arabic contains a newly developed inflected passive that looks somewhat like the old CA passive.
  • * Najdi Arabic has retained the inflected passive up to the modern era, though this feature is on its way to extinction as a result of the influence of other dialects.
  • Loss of the indefinite suffix on nouns.
  • * When this marker still appears, it is variously,, or.
  • * In some Bedouin dialects it still marks indefiniteness on any noun, although this is optional and often used only in oral poetry.
  • * In other dialects it marks indefiniteness on post-modified nouns.
  • * All Arabic dialects preserve a form of the CA adverbial accusative suffix, which was originally a tanwiin marker.
  • Loss of verb form IV, the causative.
  • * Verb form II sometimes gives causatives, but is not productive.
  • Uniform use of in imperfect verbal prefixes.
  • * CA had before form II, III and IV active, and before all passives, and elsewhere.
  • * Some Bedouin dialects in the Arabian peninsula have uniform.
  • * Najdi Arabic has when the following vowel is, and when the following vowel is.
;All sedentary dialects share the following additional innovations:
  • Loss of a separately distinguished feminine plural in verbs, pronouns and demonstratives. This is usually lost in adjectives as well.
  • Development of a new indicative-subjunctive distinction.
  • * The indicative is marked by a prefix, while the subjunctive lacks this.
  • * The prefix is or in Egyptian Arabic and Levantine Arabic, but or in Moroccan Arabic. It is not infrequent to encounter as an indicative prefix in some Persian Gulf states; and, in South Arabian Arabic, is used in the north around the San'aa region, and is used in the southwest region of Ta'iz.
  • * Tunisian Arabic, Maltese and at least some varieties of Algerian and Libyan Arabic lack an indicative prefix. Rural dialects in Tunisia however, may use /ta/.
  • Loss of in the third-person masculine enclitic pronoun, when attached to a word ending in a consonant.
  • * The form is usually or in sedentary dialects, but or in Bedouin dialects.
  • * After a vowel, the bare form is used, but in many sedentary dialects the is lost here as well. In Egyptian Arabic, for example, this pronoun is marked in this case only by lengthening of the final vowel and concomitant stress shift onto it, but the "h" reappears when followed by another suffix.
  • ** ramā "he threw it"
  • ** maramaʃ "he didn't throw it"
;The following innovations are characteristic of many or most sedentary dialects:
  • Agreement with inanimate plurals is plural, rather than feminine singular or feminine plural, as in CA.
  • Development of a circumfix negative marker on the verb, involving a prefix and a suffix.
  • * In combination with the fusion of the indirect object and the development of new mood markers, this results in morpheme-rich verbal complexes that can approach polysynthetic languages in their complexity.
  • * An example from Egyptian Arabic:
  • **
  • ** ---bring--to.us-
  • ** "You aren't bringing her to us."
  • *
  • In Egyptian, Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic, the distinction between active and passive participles has disappeared except in form I and in some Classical borrowings.
  • * These dialects tend to use form V and VI active participles as the passive participles of forms II and III.
;The following innovations are characteristic of Maghrebi Arabic :
  • In the imperfect, Maghrebi Arabic has replaced first person singular with, and the first person plural, originally marked by alone, is also marked by the suffix of the other plural forms.
  • Moroccan Arabic has greatly rearranged the system of verbal derivation, so that the traditional system of forms I through X is not applicable without some stretching. It would be more accurate to describe its verbal system as consisting of two major types, triliteral and quadriliteral, each with a mediopassive variant marked by a prefixal or.
  • * The triliteral type encompasses traditional form I verbs.
  • * The quadriliteral type encompasses strong : "slap", "break", "speak nasally"; hollow-2 : "wait", "inflate", "eat" ; hollow-3 : "choose", "redden"; weak : "show", "inquire"; hollow-2-weak : "end", "roll", "shoot"; irregular: - "send".
  • * There are also a certain number of quinquiliteral or longer verbs, of various sorts, e.g. weak: "pedal", "scheme, plan", "dodge, fake"; remnant CA form X: "use", "deserve"; diminutive: "act bourgeois", "deal in drugs".
  • * Those types corresponding to CA forms VIII and X are rare and completely unproductive, while some of the non-CA types are productive. At one point, form IX significantly increased in productivity over CA, and there are perhaps 50–100 of these verbs currently, mostly stative but not necessarily referring to colors or bodily defects. However, this type is no longer very productive.
  • * Due to the merging of short and, most of these types show no stem difference between perfect and imperfect, which is probably why the languages has incorporated new types so easily.
;The following innovations are characteristic of Egyptian Arabic:
When it comes to phonetics the Arabic dialects differ in the pronunciation of the short vowels and a number of selected consonants, mainly , and the interdentals , and , in addition to the dental . The is sometimes palatalized depending on its position in a number of dialects:

Emphasis spreading

Emphasis spreading is a phenomenon where is backed to in the vicinity of emphatic consonants. The domain of emphasis spreading is potentially unbounded; in Egyptian Arabic, the entire word is usually affected, although in Levantine Arabic and some other varieties, it is blocked by or . It is associated with a concomitant decrease in the amount of pharyngealization of emphatic consonants, so that in some dialects emphasis spreading is the only way to distinguish emphatic consonants from their plain counterparts. It also pharyngealizes consonants between the source consonant and affected vowels, although the effects are much less noticeable than for vowels.
Emphasis spreading does not affect the affrication of non-emphatic in Moroccan Arabic, with the result that these two phonemes are always distinguishable regardless of the nearby presence of other emphatic phonemes.

Consonants

Notes:
  • The pronunciation of standard depends on the region or the country, but is the predominant pronunciation outside the Arab world and the only accepted pronunciation for Quranic recitation, the other common pronunciations are, or.
  • The usage of the sounds for and or for are more common in the traditional Najdi dialects.
  • Moroccan is sometimes pronounced in some words as in جلس "He sat".
Most dialects of Arabic will use for in learned words that are borrowed from Standard Arabic into the respective dialect or when Arabs speak Modern Standard Arabic.
The main dialectal variations in Arabic consonants revolve around the consonants,,,,, and partially.
Classical Arabic varies widely from a dialect to another with, and being the most common:
Classical Arabic varies widely from a dialect to another with, and being the most common:
Classical interdental consonants and become or in some words in Egypt, Sudan, most of the Levant, parts of the Arabian peninsula. In Morocco, Algeria and other parts of North Africa they are consistently. They remain and in most of the Arabian Peninsula, Iraq, Tunisia, parts of Yemen, rural Palestinian, Eastern Libyan, and some rural Algerian dialects. In Arabic-speaking towns of Eastern Turkey, they respectively become.
PlaceReflex
PlaceReflex"heart""cow""time""said""moon""coffee""in front of"
Medina, Hejazi Arabicgalbbagarawagtgālgamargahwaguddām
Uzbeki Arabic , occ. qalbbaqarawaqt, qālqamargiddām
Kuwait City, Kuwait or, occ. gaḷbbgarawakt gālgumargahwajiddām
Muslim Baghdad Arabic, occ. gaḷuḅbaqarewakətgālgumargahweguddām, jiddām
Jewish Baghdadi Arabic, occ. qalbqālqamaɣjeddām
Mosul, Iraqqʌləbbʌgʌɣawʌqətqālqʌmʌɣqʌhwiqəddām
Anah, Iraq or qālbwaqetqālgahwa
Rural South Mesopotamian Arabic, occ. galubbgure, bagrewakitgālgumarghawe, gahwejiddām
Judeo-Iraqi Arabicqalbbaqaṛawaqt, waxtqālqamaṛqahweqǝddām
Mardin, Anatoliaqalbbaqaṛewaqt, waxtqālqumaṛqaḥweqǝddām
Sheep nomads,
S Mesopotamia, NE Arabian Peninsula
, occ. galb, galubbgarawagt, wakitgālgamarghawajeddām
Camel nomads,
SE Mesopotamia, NE Arabian Peninsula
, occ. galb, galubbgarawagt, wakitgālgamarghawadᶻöddām
Aleppo, Syriaʾalbbaʾarawaʾtʾālʾamarʾahweʾǝddām
Damascus, Syriaʾalbbaʾarawaʾtʾālʾamarʾahweʾǝddām
Beirut, Lebanonʾalbbaʾrawaʾtʾālʾamarʾahweʾǝddeem
Amman, Jordan or gaḷib or ʾalibbagara or baʾ arawagǝt or waʾǝtgāl or ʾālgamar or ʾamargahweh or ʾahwehgiddām or ʾiddām
Irbid, Jordangalibbagarawaketgālgamargahwe – gahwehgiddām
Sweida, Syriaqalbbaqaraqālqamarqahwe
Nazareth, Israel or ʾalb baʾara waʾt ʾāl ʾamar ʾahwe ʾuddām
Jerusalem ʾalbbaʾarawaʾtʾālʾamarʾahweʾuddām
Bir Zeit, West Bankkalbbakarawaktkālkamarkahwekuddām
Sanaa, Yemengalbbagarawagtgālgamargahwehguddām
Cairo, Egyptʾalbbaʾarawaʾtʾālʾamarʾahwaʾuddām
Upper Egypt, Sa'idi Arabicgalbbagarawagtgālgamargahwaguddām
Sudangalibbagarawagtgālgamragahwa, gahawagiddām
Ouaddaï, Chad, occ. begerwaqtgālgamragahwa
Benghazi, E. Libyagaḷǝbǝbgǝ́ṛawagǝtgāḷgǝmaṛgahawagiddām
Tripoli, Libyagalbbugrawagǝtgālgmargahwagiddam
Tunis, Tunisia, occ. qalbbagrawaqtqalgamra, qamraqahwaqoddem
El Hamma de Gabes, Tunisiagalabbagrawagtgalgamragahwageddem
Marazig, Tunisia, occ. galabbagrawagtgalgamragahwa, qahwaqoddem, geddem
Algiers, Algeria, occ. qǝlbbagrawaqtqalqamar, gamraqahǝwaqoddam
Sétif, Algeriagǝlbbagrawaqtgalgmarqahwaguddam
Jijel Arabic kǝlbbekrawǝktkalkmǝrkahwakǝddam
Rabat, Morocco, occ. qǝlbbgarwaqtqal, galqamar, gamraqahǝwaqǝddam, gǝddam
Casablanca, Morocco, occ. qǝlbbgarwaqtgalqǝmr, gamraqahǝwaqoddam
North Tangier, Moroccoqǝlbbqarwaqt,qalgǝmraqahǝwaqoddam
Jewish Moroccans qǝlbbqarwǝqtqalqmǝrqǝhwaqǝddam
Maltese qalbbaqrawaqtqalqamarquddiem
Cypriot Maronite Arabic occ. kalppakaroxtkalkamarkintám
Andalusian Arabicqalbbaqarwaqtqalqamarquddām

  • CA is lost.
  • * When adjacent to vowels, the following simplifications take place, in order:
  • ** V1ʔV2 → V̄ when V1 = V2
  • ** aʔi aʔw → aj aw
  • ** iʔV uʔV → ijV uwV
  • ** VʔC → V̄C
  • ** Elsewhere, is simply lost.
  • * In CA and Modern Standard Arabic, is still pronounced.
  • * Because this change had already happened in Meccan Arabic at the time the Qur'an was written, it is reflected in the orthography of written Arabic, where a diacritic known as hamzah is inserted either above an ʾalif, wāw or yāʾ, or "on the line" ; or in certain cases, a diacritic ʾalif maddah is inserted over an ʾalif..
  • * has reappeared medially in various words due to borrowing from CA.
  • CA often becomes in the Persian Gulf, Iraq, some Rural Palestinian dialects and in some Bedouin dialects when adjacent to an original, particularly in the second singular feminine enclitic pronoun, where replaces Classical or ). In a very few Moroccan varieties, it affricates to. Elsewhere, it remains.
  • CA is pronounced in a few areas: Mosul, for instance, and the Jewish variety in Algiers. In all of northern Africa, a phonemic distinction has emerged between plain and emphatic, thanks to the merging of short vowels.
  • CA is affricated to in Moroccan Arabic; this is still distinguishable from the sequence.
  • CA ) is pronounced in Iraqi Arabic and Kuwaiti Arabic with glottal closure:. In some varieties is devoiced to before, for some speakers of Cairene Arabic → "hers". The residue of this rule applies also in the Maltese language, where neither etymological nor are pronounced as such, but give in this context: tagħha "hers".
  • The nature of "emphasis" differs somewhat from variety to variety. It is usually described as a concomitant pharyngealization, but in most sedentary varieties is actually velarization, or a combination of the two. Usually there is some associated lip rounding; in addition, the stop consonants and are dental and lightly aspirated when non-emphatic, but alveolar and completely unaspirated when emphatic.
  • CA is also in the process of splitting into emphatic and non-emphatic varieties, with the former causing emphasis spreading, just like other emphatic consonants. Originally, non-emphatic occurred before or between and a following consonant, while emphatic occurred mostly near.
  • * To a large extent, Western Arabic dialects reflect this, while the situation is rather more complicated in Egyptian Arabic..
  • Certain other consonants, depending on the dialect, also cause pharyngealization of adjacent sounds, although the effect is typically weaker than full emphasis spreading and usually has no effect on more distant vowels.
  • * The velar fricative and the uvular consonant often cause partial backing of adjacent . For Moroccan Arabic, the effect is sometimes described as half as powerful as an emphatic consonant, as a vowel with uvular consonants on both sides is affected similarly to having an emphatic consonant on one side.
  • * The pharyngeal consonants and cause no emphasis spreading and may have little or no effect on adjacent vowels. In Egyptian Arabic, for example, adjacent to either sound is a fully front. In other dialects, is more likely to have an effect than.
  • * In some Gulf Arabic dialects, and/or causes backing.
  • * In some dialects, words such as الله has backed 's and in some dialects also velarized.

    Vowels

  • Classical Arabic short vowels, and undergo various changes.
  • * Original final short vowels are mostly deleted.
  • * Many Levantine Arabic dialects merge and into a phonemic except when directly followed by a single consonant; this sound may appear allophonically as or in certain phonetic environments.
  • * Maghreb dialects merge and into, which is deleted when unstressed. Tunisian maintains this distinction, but deletes these vowels in non-final open syllables.
  • * Moroccan Arabic, under the strong influence of Berber, goes even further. Short is converted to labialization of an adjacent velar, or is merged with. This schwa then deletes everywhere except in certain words ending.
  • ** The result is that there is no distinction between short and long vowels; borrowings from CA have "long" vowels uniformly substituted for original short and long vowels.
  • ** This also results in consonant clusters of great length, which are syllabified according to a sonority hierarchy. For some subdialects, in practice, it is very difficult to tell where, if anywhere, there are syllabic peaks in long consonant clusters in a phrase such as "you must write". Other dialects, in the North, make a clear distinction; they say /xəssək təktəb/ "you want to write", and not */xəssk ətkətb/.
  • ** In Moroccan Arabic, short and have merged, obscuring the original distribution. In this dialect, the two varieties have completely split into separate phonemes, with one or the other used consistently across all words derived from a particular root except in a few situations.
  • *** In Moroccan Arabic, the allophonic effect of emphatic consonants is more pronounced than elsewhere.
  • *** Full is affected as above, but and are also affected, and are to and, respectively.
  • *** In some varieties, such as in Marrakesh, the effects are even more extreme, where both high-mid and low-mid allophones exist, in addition to front-rounded allophones of original , all depending on adjacent phonemes.
  • *** On the other hand, emphasis spreading in Moroccan Arabic is less pronounced than elsewhere; usually it only spreads to the nearest full vowel on either side, although with some additional complications.
  • * and in CA completely become and respectively in some other particular dialects.
  • * In Egyptian Arabic and Levantine Arabic, short and are elided in various circumstances in unstressed syllables. In Levantine, however, clusters of three consonants are almost never permitted. If such a cluster would occur, it is broken up through the insertion of between the second and third consonants in Egyptian Arabic, and between the first and second in Levantine Arabic.
  • CA long vowels are shortened in some circumstances.
  • * Original final long vowels are shortened in all dialects.
  • * In Egyptian Arabic and Levantine Arabic, unstressed long vowels are shortened.
  • * Egyptian Arabic also cannot tolerate long vowels followed by two consonants, and shortens them.
  • In most dialects, particularly sedentary ones, CA and have two strongly divergent allophones, depending on the phonetic context.
  • * Adjacent to an emphatic consonant and to , a back variant occurs; elsewhere, a strongly fronted variant ~ is used.
  • * The two allophones are in the process of splitting phonemically in some dialects, as occurs in some words even in the absence of any emphatic consonants anywhere in the word.
  • * Unlike other Arabic varieties, Hejazi Arabic did not develop allophones of the vowels /a/ and /aː/, and both are pronounced as or.
  • CA diphthongs and have become or and or . The diphthongs are maintained in [Maltese language|the Maltese language] and some urban Tunisian dialects, particularly that of Sfax, while and also occur in some other Tunisian dialects, such as Monastir.
  • The placement of the stress accent is extremely variable between varieties; nowhere is it phonemic.
  • * Most commonly, it falls on the last syllable containing a long vowel, or a short vowel followed by two consonants; but never farther from the end than the third-to-last syllable. This maintains the presumed stress pattern in CA, and is also used in Modern Standard Arabic.
  • ** In CA and MSA, stress cannot occur on a final long vowel; however, this does not result in different stress patterns on any words, because CA final long vowels are shortened in all modern dialects, and any current final long vowels are secondary developments from words containing a long vowel followed by a consonant.
  • * In Egyptian Arabic, the rule is similar, but stress falls on the second-to-last syllable in words of the form...VCCVCV, as in.
  • * In Maghrebi Arabic, stress is final in words of the form CaCaC, after which the first is elided. Hence جَبَل "mountain" becomes.
  • * In Moroccan Arabic, phonetic stress is often not recognizable.