White International


The White International was a proposed plan to establish an international Reactionary-monarchist organisation in the aftermath of World War I. It was characterised by anti-Bolshevik positions, opposition to the Entente powers, and alignment with radical right-wing and traditionalist ideologies. The initiative aimed to create a coordinated Counter-revolutionary movement in response to the German revolution of 1918–1919, the Russian Revolution, and the Dissolution of Austria-Hungary. Its objectives included the restoration of monarchies under the Hohenzollern, Habsburg-Lorraine, Wittelsbach, and Romanov dynasties, as well as the suppression of liberal democratic and Communist revolutionary movements. The project also opposed the emerging political order in Central Europe and Eastern Europe that was being shaped during the Paris Peace Conference.
The project also aspired to renew traditionalist political movements by proposing alternative reforms to monarchical institutions. These proposals rejected the legacy of Enlightened absolutism and advocated a more decentralised German Empire, limiting Protestant Prussian dominance in favour of greater autonomy for Catholic Southern Germany. This vision included a confederation with the Habsburg Danubian Crowns, with the restoration of institutions such as the Bohemian Estates and the Transylvanian Diet, and the removal of policies of Centralisation, Germanisation, and Magyarization. In the case of Russia, the plan envisaged a restored Russian Empire with representative institutions, such as the Zemsky Sobor or Ukrainian hetmanates, intended to moderate Tsarist autocracy and Russification.

Background

During World War I, the Russian Empire entered a period of crisis that culminated in the Abdication of Nicholas II and the establishment of the Russian Republic. These developments provoked opposition among Russian monarchists, some of whom began plotting the restoration of the Romanov dynasty, including the consideration of seeking assistance from forces associated with the Central Powers intervention in the Russian Civil War, particularly the Freikorps in the Baltic. At the same time, the defeat of the Central Powers generated a series of social and economic crises that contributed to anti-monarchical and revolutionary sentiment in the German Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In the latter case, these pressures were compounded by multi-ethnic tensions and nationalist movements.
By late 1918, these developments resulted in the Abdication of Wilhelm II and the establishment of the Weimar Republic, as well as the proclamation of the Republic of German-Austria, which also exiled the Habsburg dynasty. In early 1919, the collapse of the Russian, German, and Austro-Hungarian empires contributed to an atmosphere marked by Civil war and Extremism, with near-Anarchy conditions in several societies. During this period, prominent figures associated with the far left, such as Béla Kun of the Hungarian Soviet Republic and Rosa Luxemburg of the Spartacus League, rose to prominence. These developments heightened concern among right-wing groups about the potential radicalisation of social democratic governments, such as Karl Renner's Austria and Friedrich Ebert's Germany. These fears were further intensified by Vladimir Lenin's calls for a Marxist World revolution and the Soviet westward offensive of 1918–1919, which sought to establish direct contact between Russian Bolsheviks and revolutionary movements in Germany.
In this context, pro-Hohenzollern German monarchists relocated to East Prussia, which at the time lay outside effective control of the Weimar Republic, and formed the Ostpreußischer Heimatbund. The group planned to use the Baltic port of Königsberg as a base for operations aimed at overthrowing the Berlin government led by Gustav Noske. These objectives were publicly framed as efforts to repel Bolshevism and strengthen national unity, drawing on widespread hostility toward the Communist Party of Germany's attempted uprisings, including among moderate left-wing groups.
Meanwhile, the Allies of World War I, led by liberal major powers such as the British Empire, the French Third Republic, and the United States, viewed the situation in Central Europe as an opportunity to promote a new political order based on Liberal democracy and the Nation state. To this end, the Entente supported national movements, including Czechoslovakia, the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the Second Polish Republic, as well as moderate revolutionary parties such as the social democrats. This approach marginalised monarchical representative institutions, which were widely blamed for the outbreak of the war and viewed as incompatible with the political reconstruction of the defeated states.
Amid these conditions of political instability and marginalisation, conservative and royalist forces in Germany, Austria, and Hungary increasingly adopted extremist positions. These trends were reinforced by reports that the Paris Peace Conference intended to impose punitive peace terms on the defeated Central Powers. In Russia, illiberal and nationalist factions of the White movement, distrustful of the Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War, sought assistance from the Imperial German Army and the Austro-Hungarian Army, which had occupied parts of Eastern Europe following the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Shared ideological positions between these groups and far-right Russian legitimists facilitated cooperation.
By January 1920, exchanges of information and resources during the Russian Civil War among Habsburg legitimists, German monarchists—particularly elements of the Freikorps—and Russian White forces contributed to the emergence of an informal intelligence network linking reactionary groups from the former empires. Within this network, a set of common objectives was articulated against revolutionary movements:
Key figures associated with this reactionary network included Erich von Ludendorff, Max Bauer, and Ignaz Trebitsch-Lincoln. The plot was reportedly developed in Rosenheim with the participation of a wider circle of counter-revolutionary actors, including Miklós Horthy, Vasily Biskupsky, Pavel Bermondt-Avalov, Gustav Ritter von Kahr, Hermann Ehrhardt, Waldemar Pabst, Rüdiger von der Goltz, Josef Bischoff, Max Hoffmann, Wolfgang Kapp, Franz von Stephani, Georg Escherich, and Georg Heim.

History

During the German revolution of 1918–1919, significant segments of the German Army refused to serve the government of the Weimar Republic established under Friedrich Ebert. Many within these circles accused the Social Democratic Party of Germany of betraying the nation, particularly because of its acceptance of the Treaty of Versailles, which was widely regarded as humiliating. The abolition of the monarchy was also viewed by these groups as illegitimate, with Wilhelm II and other German princes still considered the rightful rulers.
A turning point within the Reichswehr occurred in January 1920 with the Demilitarisation of the Freikorps in the Baltic. This step was taken to comply with Entente demands to limit the German Army to 100,000 men. Many right-wing and monarchist circles regarded this as a further betrayal, arguing that irregular paramilitary units should not be included in the troop limit. These developments reinforced the belief among sections of the right wing that Berlin had become an Anglo-French proxy and that the Weimar Republic could not be trusted to pursue nationalist objectives. As a result, numerous Freikorps units joined monarchist and traditionalist circles opposed to the republic.
German monarchists in East Prussia and in exile increasingly viewed the Freikorps as a force that could be deployed both outside Germany and within its borders against the Weimar government. However, they often distrusted Prussian nationalists, whom they regarded as influenced by Enlightenment and Romantic ideas. These critics blamed what they termed "bourgeois values" for the failure of the Kapp Putsch, a right-wing coup attempt, and instead favoured the Bavarian monarchists, whom they saw as more closely aligned with Traditional values through Catholic integralism. At the same time, the Weimar authorities regarded the presence of approximately 150,000 Russian internees in and around Berlin—many of whom were developing links with German dissidents—as a potential security risk.
Following the failure of the Kapp Putsch, Erich von Ludendorff continued efforts to overthrow the Weimar Republic. He sought to link German domestic opposition with similar movements in neighbouring countries, hoping to secure external assistance and potentially restore elements of Germany's former Sphere of influence. To this end, Ludendorff compiled a list of political actors opposed to republican systems and the Entente, including members of the White Russian émigré community in Germany, the Bavarian Minister-President Gustav von Kahr, and political figures in Austria, Hungary, and Italy.
At the same time, the Russian monarchist leader Vasily Biskupsky established political networks among the White émigré community, pursuing parallel conspiracies against Soviet Russia. Biskupsky developed close contacts with the German extreme right through his involvement in the Berlin-based National Union, founded by Freikorps leader Major Waldemar Pabst. The NV brought together industrialists, journalists, senior officials, monarchists from the Russian émigré community, and several émigré Baltic Germans. Many within this circle were also connected to Ludendorff's counter-revolutionary network, which included his close adviser Max Bauer. Bauer is frequently described as the principal intellectual architect of the Rosenheim Plan and a key driving force behind the White International project, particularly for his role in identifying shared grievances across diverse groups.
Through Bauer, figures such as the Hungarian-born Ignatius Trebitsch-Lincoln and Freikorps commander Major Franz von Stephani joined the plot, with von Stephani acting as an intermediary between Bavarian and Prussian monarchists, including through advocacy of Federalism. The Bavarian government under Gustav von Kahr appeared to be a promising ally, and the Einwohnerwehr was identified as a potential organisational core and successor to the dissolved NV. Bauer, Trebitsch-Lincoln, and von Stephani subsequently relocated south of Munich, where many right-wing political exiles had settled, and began developing a new coup plan with the support of the Bavarian People's Party, Hungarian conservatives, and elements of the White Russian diaspora.
In May 1920, a secret meeting in Regensburg between representatives of the Bavarian People's Party and around 60 Freikorps units agreed that paramilitary groups across Germany with reactionary orientations would recognise the Organisation Escherich as their coordinating body. Shortly thereafter, Bauer and Trebitsch-Lincoln met with leading figures from the Russian émigré community in Munich, establishing contacts with Vasily Biskupsky and soldiers associated with Pavel Bermondt-Avalov.
Following meetings in Munich, the Ludendorff circle dispatched Max Bauer to Budapest on 05-15-1920 with the aim of inviting Miklós Horthy to participate in the formation of a multinational counter-revolutionary organisation referred to as the "International White". Hungary was viewed as a key potential ally because of the relative stability of the Hungarian Regency, its leadership's anti-communist stance, and Hungary's interest in revising the Treaty of Trianon. Horthy reportedly expressed agreement with the plan and hoped that a coordinated anti-Bolshevik alliance might gain approval from the Entente and lead to more favourable territorial outcomes for Hungary.
During these discussions, German representatives presented the Hungarians with a military proposal known as the Rosenheim Plan, which envisaged the following elements:
  • The deployment of German Freikorps disguised as Hungarian settlers to support a two-front invasion of Austria from Hungary, diverting defences while German forces from Bavaria advanced, restoring the Habsburg monarchy and suppressing Karl Renner's Social Democratic Party of Austria.
  • A coordinated invasion of Czechoslovakia from Southern Germany and Hungary, followed by an advance on Berlin involving forces from northern Germany, White émigré units, and allied paramilitaries, with the aim of overthrowing the Weimar Republic and establishing a regency under Ludendorff.
  • A subsequent multinational expedition to invade Poland, advance on Moscow, and restore the House of Romanov, accompanied by territorial adjustments involving the United Baltic Duchy and East Prussia.
  • A final phase involving the division of Entente-backed successor states among the participating powers and a declaration of war against the Allies of World War I to overturn the postwar settlement of the Paris Peace Conference.
By mid-1920, an extensive network of reactionary groups had taken shape in Budapest and Munich. Financing was expected to come from German industrialists, Hungarian state funds, and the circulation of counterfeit Russian Duma roubles. The strategy relied heavily on Guerrilla warfare and paramilitary action rather than regular armies, drawing inspiration from the recent rise of Miklós Horthy in Hungary, which had depended on radical paramilitary forces rather than the Royal Hungarian Honvéd.
Despite early support from Hungarian and Russian circles and sympathies in Bavaria and Austria, internal divisions emerged by August 1920. Commitment to the Ludendorff circle was often conditional, with participants supporting the project only insofar as it served their immediate interests. Factors such as Bavarian separatism, parliamentarian sentiment in Austria, and pro-Entente positions among some White Russian and Hungarian factions undermined cohesion. Italian reactionaries declined to participate, while Horthy's government and Russian émigré leaders increasingly pursued alternative diplomatic options, including contacts with France, in response to shifting conditions in Eastern Europe.
The project effectively collapsed in mid-September 1920, when Ignaz Trebitsch-Lincoln disclosed confidential White International documents to the Entente at the French legation in Vienna, reportedly in exchange for personal protection.