Cold War (1985–1991)


The time period of around 1985–1991 marked the final period of the Cold War. It was characterized by systemic reform within the Soviet Union, the easing of geopolitical tensions between the Soviet-led bloc and the United States-led bloc, the [Revolutions of 1989|collapse of the Soviet Union's influence in Eastern Europe], and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991.
The beginning of this period is marked by the ascent of Mikhail Gorbachev to the position of Communist Party of the Soviet Union">Romanian Communist Party">Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Seeking to bring an end to the economic stagnation associated with the Brezhnev Era, Gorbachev initiated economic reforms, and political liberalization. While the exact end date of the Cold War is debated among historians, it is generally agreed upon that the implementation of nuclear and conventional arms control agreements, the withdrawal of Soviet military forces from Afghanistan and Eastern Europe, and the collapse of the Soviet Union marked the end of the Cold War.

Thaw in relations

After the deaths of three successive elderly Soviet leaders since 1982, the Soviet Politburo of the [Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union|Politburo] elected Gorbachev Communist Party General Secretary in March 1985, marking the rise of a new generation of leadership. Under Gorbachev, relatively young reform-oriented technocrats, who had begun their careers in the heyday of "de-Stalinization" under reformist leader Nikita Khrushchev, rapidly consolidated power, providing new momentum for political and economic liberalization, and the impetus for cultivating warmer relations via glasnost and trade with the West.
On the Western front, President Reagan's administration had taken a hard line against the Soviet Union. Under the Reagan Doctrine, the Reagan administration began providing military support to anti-communist armed movements in Afghanistan, Angola, Nicaragua and elsewhere. Reagan had also ordered the implementation of the Strategic Defense Initiative in 1983—a space-based interceptor
program against nuclear missiles more commonly dubbed "Star Wars" by the media—an initiative that alarmed and "horrified the Soviets," who while doubting its feasibility, were in no position to compete technologically. By November 1985, the Soviets perceived SDI as both a military threat and as a potential means by which the United States might weaken NATO cohesion and alter the strategic balance in nuclear weapon technology. At the same time, officials in the Kremlin expressed concern that the deployment of space-based missile defenses would destabilize strategic parity and could make nuclear war more likely rather than less.
A major breakthrough came in 1985–87, with the successful negotiation of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty. The INF Treaty of December 1987, signed by Reagan and Gorbachev, eliminated all nuclear and conventional missiles, as well as their launchers, with ranges of and . The treaty did not cover sea-launched missiles. By May 1991, after on-site investigations by both sides, 2,700 missiles had been destroyed.
The Reagan administration also persuaded the Saudi Arabian oil companies to increase oil production. This led to a three-times drop in the prices of oil, and oil was the main source of Soviet export revenues. Following the USSR's previous large military buildup, President Reagan ordered an enormous peacetime defense buildup of the United States Armed Forces; the Soviets did not respond to this by building up their military because the military expenses, in combination with collectivized agriculture in the nation, and inefficient planned manufacturing, would cause a heavy burden for the Soviet economy. It was already stagnant and in a poor state prior to the tenure of Mikhail Gorbachev who, despite significant attempts at reform, was unable to revitalise the economy. In 1985, Reagan and Gorbachev held their first of four "summit" meetings, this one in Geneva, Switzerland. After discussing policy, facts, etc., Reagan invited Gorbachev to go with him to a small house near the beach. The two leaders spoke in that house well over their time limit, but came out with the news that they had planned two more summits.
The second summit took place the following year, in 1986 on October 11, in Reykjavík, Iceland. The meeting was held to pursue discussions about scaling back their intermediate-range ballistic missile arsenals in Europe. The talks came close to achieving an overall breakthrough on nuclear arms control, but ended in failure due to Reagan's proposed Strategic Defense Initiative and Gorbachev's proposed cancellation of it.
Fundamental to the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Gorbachev policy initiatives of Restructuring and Openness had ripple effects throughout the Soviet world, including eventually making it impossible to reassert central control over Warsaw Pact member states without resorting to military force.
File:Tear down this wall.ogv|thumbtime=3:29|thumb|230px|United States President Ronald Reagan delivers a speech at the Berlin Wall in June 1987, in which he called for Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev to "Tear Down This Wall!". Famous passage begins at 11:10 into this video.
By 1986–1987, the Reagan administration increasingly employed public rhetorical challenges that emphasized human rights and political choice as tests of Soviet reform, during which the American president used a symbolic address to gauge the credibility of Gorbachev's agenda. The most overt example occurred when Reagan challenged Gorbachev on June 12, 1987 to go further with his reforms and democratization by tearing down the Berlin Wall. In a speech at the Brandenburg Gate next to the wall, Reagan stated:
While the aging communist European leaders kept their states in the grip of "normalization", Gorbachev's reformist policies in the Soviet Union exposed how a once revolutionary Communist Party of the Soviet Union had become moribund at the very center of the system. Facing declining revenues due to declining oil prices and rising expenditures related to the arms race and the command economy, the Soviet Union was forced during the 1980s to take on significant amounts of debt from the Western banking sector. The socio-political effects of the Chernobyl accident in Ukraine increased public support for these policies. By the spring of 1989—in the wake of growing public disapproval of the Soviet–Afghan War—the USSR had not only experienced lively media debate, but had also held its first multi-candidate elections. For the first time in recent history, the force of liberalization was spreading from West to East.

Revolt spreads through Communist Europe

Grassroots organizations, such as Poland's Solidarity movement, rapidly gained ground with strong popular bases that included organized labor, intellectual networks, and support from the Catholic Church. Historian John Lewis Gaddis claims that Solidarity survived repression because it embodied a distinctive national identity that communist authorities were unable to suppress, while economic stagnation increasingly discredited the ruling party's ideology. In February 1989 the Polish People's Republic opened talks with opposition, known as the Polish Round Table Agreement, which allowed elections with participation of anti-Communist parties in June 1989. These negotiations legalized Solidarity and established the framework for partially free parliamentary elections, which facilitated sweeping victory for opposition candidates and effectively ended communist rule in Poland.
Events in Poland were soon followed by developments in Hungary, where reformist leaders dismantled border controls with Austria during the summer of 1989. An opening of a border gate once part of the Iron Curtain between Austria and Hungary triggered a chain reaction, at the end of which the German Democratic Republic no longer existed and the Eastern Bloc had disintegrated—incentivized at least in part by the absence of Soviet intervention. The idea for the Pan-European Picnic came from Otto von Habsburg and was intended as a test of whether the Soviet Union would react when the iron curtain was opened. The Pan-European Union Austria then advertised with leaflets in Hungary to make East Germans aware of the possibility of escape. The result was the greatest mass exodus since the building of the Berlin Wall and the non-reaction of the Eastern bloc states showed the oppressed population that their governments had lost absolute power.
Subsequently, large numbers of East German refugees attempted to flee through Hungary and the weak reactions showed that the communist leaders lost even more power, which also contributed directly to the collapse of communist rule in East Germany. By mid-1989 even Soviet officials openly joked that Eastern European states would now be allowed to proceed in their own way, signaling the end of enforced ideological conformity within the bloc.
Elsewhere in Eastern Europe, communist regimes fell with varying degrees of violence. In Czechoslovakia and East Germany, mass demonstrations forced long-entrenched party leaderships from power, while in Romania the collapse of Nicolae Ceaușescu's regime occurred through a violent uprising in December 1989. Also in 1989 the Communist government in Hungary started organizing competitive elections. The Communist regimes in Bulgaria and Romania also crumbled, in the latter case as the result of a violent uprising among a host of additional socio-political ruptures in former Soviet-satellite states. Attitudes had changed enough that US Secretary of State James Baker suggested that the American government would not be opposed to Soviet intervention in Romania, on behalf of the opposition, to prevent bloodshed. The tidal wave of change culminated with the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, which symbolized the collapse of European Communist governments and dramatically eroded the Iron Curtain divide of Europe.
The collapse of the Eastern European governments with Gorbachev's tacit consent inadvertently encouraged several Soviet republics to seek greater independence from Moscow's rule. Agitation for independence in the Baltic states led to first Lithuania, and then Estonia and Latvia, declaring their independence. Disaffection in the other republics was met by promises of greater decentralization. More open elections led to the election of candidates opposed to Communist Party rule, but it also contributed to party fragmentation and presidentialism, which complicated democratic transition.
In an attempt to halt the rapid changes to the system, a group of Soviet hard-liners represented by Vice-president Gennady Yanayev launched a coup d'état attempt|coup] overthrowing Gorbachev in August 1991. The coup collapsed after mass public resistance in Moscow and the refusal of key military units to support the plotters, while Yeltsin emerged as the principal defender of constitutional authority.. On December 1, Ukraine withdrew from the USSR as an independent state. On 26 December 1991, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics officially ceased to exist and subsequently dissolved into fifteen independent states; this formally ended the Cold War international system.

End of the Cold War

After the end of the Revolutions of 1989, Gorbachev and President Bush Sr. met on the neutral island of Malta to discuss the events of the year, the withdrawal of the Soviet military from Eastern Europe, and the future course of their relationship. After their discussions, the two leaders publicly announced they would work together for German reunification, the normalization of relations, the resolution of Third World conflicts, and the promotion of peace and democracy.
Between the Malta Summit and the Dissolution of the Soviet Union, negotiations on several arms control pacts began, resulting in agreements such as START I and the Chemical Weapons Convention; the latter taking several years to fully implement. Additionally, the United States, still believing the Soviet Union would continue to exist in the long term, began to take steps to create a positive long-term relationship. This new relationship was demonstrated by the joint American-Soviet opposition to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. The Soviet Union voted in the United Nations Security Council in favor of Resolution 678 authorizing the use of military force against its former Middle Eastern ally.
During the late 1980s, several long-running conflicts in the developing world that had been sustained by Cold War rivalry began to wind down, including wars in Cambodia, Angola, Nicaragua). As relations between Washington and Moscow improved, both governments increasingly worked to restrain their respective regional allies—pressuring their respective proxies to make peace with one another—and establish negotiated settlements instead, while the US concomitantly stressed market globalization. In southern Africa, Soviet and Cuban support for the Angolan government diminished as diplomacy advanced, while the United States reduced backing for anti-communist insurgents, enabling peace processes that culminated in the late 1980s. Overall, this détente which accompanied the final twilight of the Cold War would help bring about a relatively more peaceful international environment.
As a consequence of the Revolutions of 1989 and the adoption of a foreign policy based on non-interference by the Soviet Union, the Warsaw Pact rapidly lost its political and military rationale and began dissolving. Meanwhile, Soviet troops once stationed across eastern Europe began returning to the Soviet Union, completing their withdrawal by the mid-1990s. In the early 1990s, Soviet troop strength in its former satellites was greatly diminished and the final withdrawals were completed by the mid-1990s, marking the end of the Soviet military presence that had defined the Cold War order in Europe since 1945.
For all the complexity and geopolitical strain the great power competition of the Cold War brought onto Europe during the second half of the 20th century, its trajectory turned out to be both "more prosperous and peaceful for Europeans than the first," so quips German historian Konrad Jarausch. These social and economic realities do not, however, diminish the fact that the Cold War was a "multi-dimensional struggle" that left physical remnants across Europe, from "missile silos, tank tracks, command bunkers, and troop barracks" to the stockpiling of nuclear armaments capable of destroying the entire planet. Jarausch adds that:
Fortunately, the deadliness of the weapons proved therefore self-limiting and turned the Cold War into a peaceful competition between modernization alternatives. In Europe, the nuclear standoff stabilized frontiers, leading to a mutual recognition of spheres of influence that excluded the resort to arms in advancing social revolution or rolling back communism.

Perhaps coupled with the hysteria, fears, and moral repugnance Reagan associated with "mutually assured destruction" the end of the Cold War eventually stemmed from a convergence of leadership and policy shifts. While the U.S. military buildup increased the costs of confrontation, Reagan’s turn toward cooperation helped reduce superpower tensions. European leaders consistently pressed for arms reduction, but the decisive change came with Gorbachev's post-Brezhnev leadership. His reforms, withdrawal from Afghanistan, and vision of a "common European home" signaled a new global commitment to disarmament. The abandonment of the Brezhnev Doctrine then enabled reform within the Eastern bloc, empowered dissent and ultimately facilitated the Cold War's end. With its end, a more peaceful future awaited Europe and the world alike.

Post–Cold War foreign policy uncertainty in the United States

By the early 1990s, the United States had developed a complex global presence but lacked a shared framework for defining post–Cold War threats, interests, and priorities. Policymakers debated whether American leadership should emphasize restraint, engagement, or continued global activism, causing many to criticize the period's self-indulgence, attempts to reorganize the Islamic world, and the failure to integrate the former Soviet Union into NATO. The United States had established a complex global presence by the 1990s and policymakers felt that some structure to explain the "threats, interests and priories" that guide foreign policy was needed, but there was no agreement on how to proceed. Anthony Lake has said that attempts at doctrine-making during this period risked introducing "neo-know-nothing" isolationism or what he termed "irrational" ideas. The goal then of Bush Sr. and Clinton during their terms in office was to develop foreign policy objectives that would support consensus rather than accelerate fragmentation inside America's sphere of influence, ideological confrontation, or rigid doctrine building.

Causes

Scholars have pointed to materialist and ideational reasons for the end of the Cold War. Materialists emphasize Soviet economic difficulties, whereas ideationalists argue that the worldviews and personas of Gorbachev and Reagan mattered. Ideationalists point to a Gorbachev and Reagan's mutual desire to abolish nuclear weapons, as well as Gorbachev's perceptions of foreign policy. To this end, Gorbachev's reconceptualization of security—emphasizing mutual restraint, political choice, and non-coercion—proved central to ending the Cold War.

Legacy

People living through the post–Cold War period witnessed rapid economic transformation and political integration in much of Central and Eastern Europe, particularly in states that later joined the European Union and NATO. At the same time, parts of the former Soviet Union experienced severe economic dislocation, declining living standards, and sharp reductions in life expectancy during the transition to market economies. Countries such as the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Slovakia experienced economic reconstruction, growth and fast integration with EU and NATO, while some of their eastern neighbors created hybrids of free market oligarchy system, post-communist corrupted administration and dictatorship.
Russia and some other Soviet successor states faced a chaotic and harsh transition from a command economy to free market capitalism following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. A large percentage of the population lived in poverty, GDP growth declined, and life expectancy dropped sharply. Living conditions also declined in some other parts of the former Eastern bloc.
[File:Reagan and Gorbachev signing.jpg|thumb|250px|right|Soviet general secretary Gorbachev and U.S. president Reagan signing the INF Treaty, 1987]
The post–Cold War era was marked by sustained economic prosperity in much of the Western world, particularly in the United States, alongside a broad wave of democratization across Latin America, Africa, and Central, South-East, and Eastern Europe.
Sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein expresses a less triumphalist view, arguing that the end of the Cold War is a prelude to the breakdown of Pax Americana. In his Foreign Policy essay entitled, "The Eagle Has Crash Landed", Wallerstein argues, "The collapse of communism in effect signified the collapse of liberalism, removing the only ideological justification behind US hegemony, a justification tacitly supported by liberalism's ostensible ideological opponent".

End of the Space Race

Following the end of ideological confrontation in the late 1980s and early 1990s, the political motivations that had sustained large-scale space competition largely disappeared. Although both the United States and Russia continued space activity, ambitious exploration programs declined as governments prioritized domestic economic concerns and no longer viewed spaceflight as a primary measure of global prestige.

Timeline of related events

1985

1986

1987

1988

1989

1990

1991