Jewish Legion
The Jewish Legion was a series of battalions of Jewish soldiers who served in the British Army during the First World War. Some participated in the British conquest of Palestine from the Ottomans.
The formation of the battalions had several motives: the expulsion of the Ottomans, the gaining of military experience, and the hope that their contribution would favorably influence the support for a Jewish national home in the land when a new world order was established after the war. The idea for the battalions was proposed by Pinhas Rutenberg, Dov Ber Borochov and Ze'ev Jabotinsky and carried out by Jabotinsky and Joseph Trumpeldor, who aspired for the battalions to become the independent military force of the Yishuv in Palestine.
Their vision did not fully materialize, as the battalions were disbanded shortly after the war. However, their activities significantly contributed to the establishment of paramilitaries such as the Haganah and the Irgun.
Formation and objectives
During the First World War, a debate emerged within the Zionist leadership on whether to support either side, the Entente Powers or the Central Powers, or to maintain neutrality and on the policy that would best ensure the survival of the Jewish community in Palestine during the war and benefit its aspirations for a national home afterward. The debate created a rift between those who supported the Entente Powers and those who supported the Central Powers. The Jews of German origin were patriotic to their country of origin, and the battalions were a British initiative against the Ottoman Empire, which was allied to Germany. Therefore, the "German" Jews opposed the battalions vehemently, and Chaim Weizmann yielded to them by opposing the battalions mainly because the one protecting the Yishuv in Palestine was a German general. There was also the real fear that the Ottomans would carry out a massacre if they decided that the Jews were a fifth column, as had occurred to the Armenians.Pinhas Rutenberg was a member of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, which, unlike the Bolsheviks, supported the Russians' alliance with Britain. David Ben-Gurion and Yitzhak Ben-Zvi supported the Ottomans and opposed the battalions. What changed their minds completely was the Balfour Declaration, and they later enlisted in the battalion.
First World War and establishment of battalions
During the period leading up to the outbreak of the war in 1914, revolutionaries were waiting for a revolution in Russia. The Okhrana was successful in its activities against the revolutionaries, and SR activists went into exile from Russia. Vladimir Lenin and his colleagues also established the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, which competed with the SR in exile. When the war broke out, a meeting was held among the SR exiles' leadership, which was divided between the left and the right. Supporters of Ilya Fondaminsky argued that the war would shake the tsarist regime and therefore should enlist and aid the British to hasten the revolution. There was also an opposing trend led by Viktor Chernov, a rival to Rutenberg, who opposed that approach.Rutenberg went to London, met with Chaim Weizmann and tried to convince him to support the establishment of the Jewish battalions. Rutenberg told Weizmann that the war was an opportunity to advance the idea of a republic in Israel. To convince the Entente Powers, Jewish legions of Jewish exiles needed to be established. According to Professor Matityahu Mintz, Rutenberg preceded Ze'ev Jabotinsky. Rutenberg acted in September 1914, and Jabotinsky began in 1915.
The question arises as to what motivated Rutenberg, who was traveling on behalf of the SR to the British and French capitals to pressure Russia for greater democratisation, engage with the Jewish people and meet Weizmann. Mintz clarifies that for Rutenberg, they were not separate domains. Before his trip, Rutenberg had not spoken about or sought a solution to the Jewish question, but that was a result of Rutenberg's discussions with the SR leadership, who sent him to France. Mintz does not believe that Rutenberg's return to the Jewish people was insincere but emphasises the alignment between his conduct and the interests of the party and of Russia. The evidence for maintaining ties and prioritising the party's interests was Rutenberg's rapid and smooth integration into the government leadership after the February Revolution of 1917, during Alexander Kerensky's Social Revolutionary administration.
The SR, as well as the Constitutional Democrats, thought that the number of Jews in Russia was too large and that it would be better if they left Russia before the revolution, which would be beneficial for the Jews as well. The SR was aware of the Jews' animosity toward the autocratic regime in Russia, alongside the growing Jewish sympathy for Germany, which had granted them freedom and rights. Rutenberg adopted that SR stance. The idea of battalions that would conquer the land from the Ottomans, who were German allies, served the interests of the Russian homeland, allied to France and Britain.
Mintz noted that the Zionist movement decided on neutrality, but in practice, that was not the case, as Zionists in each country supported their homeland. For instance, German Zionists believed that if Germany won the war, the Jews' situation would improve, as their status in Russia was worse than in Germany.
Rutenberg then went to Italy and established an organization for the Jewish cause. The basic idea was that if Italy joined the war on the side of the Entente Powers, the first Jewish battalions would be formed in Italy. Dov Ber Borochov also arrived in Italy from Vienna after the Austrian police made it clear that it would be better for him to leave Austria-Hungary, an ally of Germany. In Milan, Rutenberg and Borochov met after David Goldstein, a member of Poale Zion, connected them. Borochov joined Rutenberg and was active in leading this organization. He managed to organize not only Jews but also intellectuals, politicians, and Italian ministers like Luigi Luzzatti. In 1915, they joined, but Rutenberg decided to go to the United States. He had travelled to Bari, Italy, and invited Jabotinsky, Ben-Gurion and Ben-Zvi to present the plan. Ben-Gurion and Ben-Zvi refused to come, and only Jabotinsky met with Rutenberg before Jabotinsky's trip to London. Rutenberg and Jabotinsky divided the work. Rutenberg would work in the United States and Jabotinsky in Britain, as Rutenberg aimed to establish a non-Zionist Jewish Congress in the US.
According to Mintz, Rutenberg brought a booklet and manifesto to the US, began participating in conferences, organized a committee and started a newspaper for the Jewish Congress. Borochov was the editor of the newspaper and also wrote the articles. A conflict broke out between Rutenberg and Ben-Gurion, who was also in the US, as Ben-Gurion continued to support a pro-Ottoman orientation. Ben-Zvi joined Ben-Gurion although Mintz notes that their relationship soured in the US because Ben-Gurion published a book in which he attributed all of the work to himself. According to Mintz, there is no doubt that Ben-Gurion downplayed Ben-Zvi's contributions. There was no conflict between Ben-Zvi and Borochov, as Ben-Zvi was from Borochov's hometown, his student, and a close friend, and they respected each other.
Jabotinsky
One of the most prominent figures supporting the activist line was Jabotinsky, who knew the Ottoman Empire and so predicted that its days were numbered during the war, which would impact the future governance of Palestine. He argued that the Jews should openly support Britain and help its military efforts to capture the Land of Israel.In 1915, Jabotinsky arrived at Camp Jabari, near Alexandria, where 1,200 Jews who had been expelled from Palestine by the Ottomans or fled by the harsh living conditions gradually gathered, along with Joseph Trumpeldor. Jabotinsky presented his ideas for establishing a Jewish military unit. On 18 Adar 5675, a document was drafted stating the decision to establish a Jewish battalion and offering its services to the British Army for the conquest of Palestine. The document bore 100 signatures, with the first being those of Ze'ev Gluskin, Jabotinsky, and Trumpeldor. Subsequently, they began negotiations with various elements within the British army and government.
Opposition to establishment of the battalions
After numerous negotiations, the British partially agreed to the initiative, and a Jewish unit was formed with volunteers from the exiles in Egypt. Its purpose was set as a transport unit on the Gallipoli front, in Turkey. The means of transport of that time gave the unit its name: the "Zion Mule Corps". However, its activities were not connected to Palestine, as Britain did not yet plan to attack there.Several bodies and groups opposed the establishment of the battalions, and some actively tried to stop their formation:
- Anti-Zionist or non-Zionist Jews, particularly assimilated British Jews who feared that emphasizing Jewish nationality through the battalions would harm their status among the British.
- The leadership of the Zionist Organization, including figures like Nahum Sokolow and others in London, who aimed to maintain neutrality.
- Ahad Ha'am and others who saw the main role of Zionism in spiritual activity.
- Part of the labor camp in Palestine, especially members of Hapoel Hatzair, believed that the land should be acquired through labour, not war, and therefore opposed the establishment of the battalions and joining them.
Zion Mule Corps