Tuscan dialects

Tuscan is a set of Italo-Dalmatian varieties of Romance spoken in Tuscany, Corsica, and Sardinia.
Tuscan, especially its Florentine variety, formed the basis for establishing Standard Italian. Due mostly to the prestige of the works by Dante Alighieri, Petrarch, Giovanni Boccaccio, Niccolò Machiavelli, and Francesco Guicciardini, the Tuscan-derived elaboration became the primary language of culture throughout Italy, and later the official language of all of the historic Italian states and then of the Kingdom of Italy when it was formed.

Subdialects

In De vulgari eloquentia, Dante Alighieri distinguishes four main variants of the Tuscan language: fiorentino, senese, lucchese, and aretino.
Tuscan is a language complex composed of many local variants, with minor differences among them.
The main subdivisions are between Northern Tuscan dialects, the Southern Tuscan dialects, and Corsican.
The Northern Tuscan dialects are :

Florentine, the main dialect of Florence, Chianti, and the Mugello; also spoken in Prato and along the river Arno as far as the city of Fucecchio.
Pistoiese, spoken in the city of Pistoia and the nearest zones.
Pesciatino or Valdinievolese, spoken in the Valdinievole zone, in the cities of Pescia and Montecatini Terme.
Lucchese, spoken in Lucca and the nearby hills.
Versiliese, spoken in the historical area of Versilia.
Viareggino, spoken in Viareggio and vicinity.
Pisano-Livornese, spoken in Pisa, Livorno and vicinity, along the coast from Livorno to Cecina.

The Southern Tuscan dialects are :

Aretino-Chianaiolo, spoken in Arezzo and the Valdichiana.
Casentinese, spoken in Casentino from Stia to Subbiano in the Arezzo province.
Senese, spoken in the city and province of Siena.
Grossetano, spoken in Grosseto and along the southern coast.
Elbano, spoken on the island of Elba.

Corsican, on the island of Corsica, and the Corso-Sardinian transitional varieties that are spoken in northern Sardinia are classified by scholars as a direct offshoot from medieval Tuscan, even though they now constitute a distinct linguistic group.

Speakers

Excluding the inhabitants of Province of Massa and Carrara, who speak an Emilian dialect, and people in the area of Tuscan Romagna, who speak Romagnol, around 3.5 million people speak Tuscan.

Dialectal features

Tuscan as a whole has certain defining features, with subvarieties that are distinguished by minor details. A Romance language variety descending from Vulgar Latin, it also contains a substrate from the Etruscan language of the original inhabitants prior to Romanization. The Etruscan influence is found most saliently in the toponyms of Tuscany, as well as some parts of neighbouring Umbria and Lazio.

Phonology

Tuscan gorgia

The Tuscan gorgia affects the voiceless stop consonants,, and. They are usually pronounced as fricatives in post-vocalic position when not blocked by the competing phenomenon of syntactic gemination:

→
→
→
Weakening of G and C

A similar phonological alternation is the intervocalic weakening of the Italian "soft" g, the voiced affricate and "soft" c, the voiceless affricate , known as attenuation, or, more commonly, as deaffrication.
Between vowels, the voiced post-alveolar affricate consonant is realized as voiced post-alveolar fricative :
This phenomenon is very evident in daily speech : the phrase la gente 'the people' in Standard Italian is pronounced, but in Tuscan, it is.
Similarly, the voiceless post-alveolar affricate is pronounced as a voiceless postalveolar fricative between two vowels:
The sequence la cena, 'the dinner', in Standard Italian is pronounced, but in Tuscan, it is. As a result of the weakening rule, there are a few minimal pairs distinguished only by length of the voiceless fricative.

Affrication of S

A less common phonetic phenomenon is the realization of "voiceless s" as the voiceless alveolar affricate when preceded by,, or.
For example, il sole, pronounced in Standard Italian as, would be in theory pronounced in Tuscan. However, since assimilation of the final consonant of the article to the following consonant tends to occur in exactly such cases, the actual pronunciation is usually. Affrication of can more commonly be heard word-internally, as in falso →. It is a common phenomenon in Central Italy but is not exclusive to that area; for example, it also occurs in Switzerland. It does not occur in a small area including Florence and Prato.

No diphthongization of

There are two Tuscan historical outcomes of Latin ŏ in stressed open syllables. Passing first through a stage, the vowel has then developed as a diphthong. The phenomenon has never gained universal acceptance, however, and so forms with the diphthong have come to be accepted as Standard Italian, but the monophthong remains in popular speech.

Morphology

Accusative "te" for "tu"

A characteristic of Tuscan is the use of the accusative pronoun te in emphatic clauses of the type "You! What are you doing here?".

Standard Italian: tu lo farai, no? 'You'll do it, won't you?'
Tuscan: Te lo farai, no?''
Standard Italian: tu, vieni qua! 'You, come here!'
Tuscan: Te, vieni qua!''
Double dative pronoun

A morphological phenomenon, cited also by Alessandro Manzoni in his novel I promessi sposi, is the doubling of the dative pronoun.
For the use of a personal pronoun as indirect object, also called dative case, Standard Italian makes use of a construction preposition + pronoun a me, or it makes use of a synthetic pronoun form, mi. Tuscan frequently makes use of both in the same utterance as a kind of intensification of the dative/indirect object:

In Standard Italian: a me piace or mi piace
In Tuscan: a me mi piace or a me mi garba

This usage is widespread throughout the central regions of Italy, not only in Tuscany, and is often considered redundant and erroneous by language purists. It is also a standard feature in Spanish: a mí me gusta
In some dialects, the double accusative pronoun me mi vedi can be heard, but that is considered to be an archaic form.

Masculine definite articles

Both the singular and the plural masculine definite articles can be realized phonetically as in Florentine varieties of Tuscan but are distinguished by their phonological effect on following consonants. The singular causes the lengthening of the following consonant: 'the dog'. However, the plural permits consonant weakening: 'the dogs'. As in Italian, the masculine singular lo occurs before consonants long by nature or not permitting in clusters, but forms such as i zio can be heard in rustic varieties.

Noi + impersonal ''si''

A morpholosyntactic phenomenon that is found throughout Tuscany is the personal use of the particle identical to impersonal si, as the first-person plural. That is basically the same as the use of on in French.
It is possible to use the construction si + third-person in singular verb, which can be preceded by the first-plural person pronoun noi.

Standard Italian: Andiamo a mangiare, Noi andiamo là
Tuscan: Si va a mangià, Noi si va là

The phenomenon is found in all verb tenses, including compound tenses. In those tenses, the use of si requires a form of essere as auxiliary verb. If the verb is one that otherwise selects auxiliary avere in compound constructions, the past participle does not agree with the subject in gender and number:

Italian: Abbiamo mangiato al ristorante.
Tuscan: S'è mangiato al ristorante.

If the verb normally requires essere, the past participle is marked as plural:

Italian: Siamo andati al cinema.
Tuscan: S'è andati al cinema.

Usually, si contracts before è: si è → s'è.

Fo (faccio) and vo (vado)

Another morphological phenomenon present in Tuscan is what might appear to be shortening of first singular verb forms in the present tense of fare and andare.

Fare: It. faccio Tusc. fo
Andare: It. vado Tusc. vo

These forms have two origins. Natural phonological change alone can account for loss of and reduction of to in the case of > * >. A case such as Latin sapio > Italian so, however, admits no such phonological account since the expected outcome of would be *, with a normal lengthening of the consonant preceding.
What seems to have taken place is a realignment of the paradigm in accordance with the statistically-minor but highly-frequent paradigms of dare and stare. Thus, so, sai, sa, sanno have come to fit the template of do, dai, dà, danno, sto, stai, sta, stanno, and fo, fai, fa, fanno, which have followed the same pattern. The form vo, while quite possibly a natural phonological development, seems to have been reinforced by analogy in that case.

Loss of infinitival "-re"

A phonological phenomenon that might appear to be morphological is the loss of the infinitival ending -re of verbs.

andàre → andà
pèrdere → pèrde
finìre → finì

Stress remains on the same vowel that is stressed in the full form and so the infinitive may coincide with various conjugated singulars: pèrde 'to lose', pèrde 's/he loses'; finì 'to finish', finì 's/he finished'. This homophony seldom, if ever, causes confusion, as they usually appear in distinct syntactic contexts.
The infinitive without -re is universal in some subtypes such as Pisano-Livornese, but in the vicinity of Florence, alternations are regular and so the full infinitive appears before a pause, and the clipped form is found otherwise. The consonant of an enclitic is lengthened if it is preceded by stressed vowel but not when the preceding vowel of the infinitive is unstressed.
A similar process is found in Romanian, with infinitives cited as a + the verb, and the -re has been dropped. As in Tuscan, the stress is on the same syllable that had it before the loss of -re.
In Catalan and its dialects, in Campidanese Sardinian and for some Portuguese-speakers, final infinitive -r is not pronounced and so anar is pronounced /ə'na/.
A phenomenon similar in origin in French has led to loss of both /r/ and final /e/ in the -are class of infinitives at an early stage and so the final syllable of Modern French aimer, chanter etc. is pronounced as stressed.