Proto-Hmong–Mien language


Proto-Hmong–Mien, also known as Proto-Miao–Yao, is the reconstructed ancestor of the Hmong–Mien languages. Lower-level reconstructions include Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic.

Historical chronology

Ratliff estimates that the split between Hmongic and Mienic had occurred before 2500 BP, since the Old Chinese words tiě ‘iron’ and xià ‘descend’ were both borrowed separately by Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic.
In earlier studies, the date of proto-Hmong-Mien has been estimated to be about 2500 BP by Sagart, Blench, and Sanchez-Mazas, as well as by Ratliff. It has been estimated to about 4243 BP by the Automated Similarity Judgment Program, however, ASJP is not widely accepted among historical linguists as a sufficiently rigorous method to establish or evaluate relationships between language families, since it only makes use of 40 basic vocabulary items.

Reconstructions

Reconstructions of Proto-Hmong–Mien include the following.
  • Herbert Purnell is the first comprehensive reconstruction of Proto-Hmong-Mien, Proto-Hmongic, and Proto-Mienic.
  • Wang Fushi & Mao Zongwu is the first comprehensive reconstruction of Proto-Hmong-Mien by Chinese scholars.
  • Chen Qiguang reconstructs Proto-Hmong-Mien based on 15 datapoints: Hmu, Qo Xiong, Hmong, Xijia, Pa Hng, Younuo, Dongnu, Nunu, She, Jiongnai, Pana, Iu Mien, Kim Mun, Biao Min, Zao Min. A revised reconstruction was later published as Chen.
  • Wu Anqi reconstructs approximately 100 Swadesh list items for Proto-Hmong-Mien.
  • Martha Ratliff is the first comprehensive reconstruction of Proto-Hmong-Mien by a Western scholar since Purnell.
  • Weera Ostapirat proposes sesquisyllables and velarization in Proto-Hmong-Mien initials, parallel to sesquisyllables and pharyngealization in Old Chinese.
  • Li Yunbing reconstructs Proto-Hmong-Mien initials and finals, which are listed separately.
In China, the first comprehensive reconstruction of Proto-Hmongic was undertaken by Wang Fushi. Wang's 1979 manuscript was subsequently revised and published as Wang.
Proto-Mienic has been reconstructed by Luang-Thongkum. A comprehensive reconstruction of Proto-Mienic has been published by Liu.

Ratliff (2010)

Martha Ratliff used 11 criterion languages for her reconstruction.
  1. East Hmongic ; Northern vernacular: Yanghao 养蒿, Yanghao Township, Taijiang County, Guizhou
  2. North Hmongic ; Western vernacular: Jiwei 吉卫, Jiwei Township, Huayuan County, Hunan
  3. West Hmongic : White Hmong of Laos and Thailand
  4. West Hmongic ; Mashan subdialect, Central vernacular: Zongdi 宗地, Zongdi Township, Ziyun County, Guizhou
  5. West Hmongic ; Luobohe subdialect: Fuyuan 复员, Fuyuan County, Yunnan
  6. Hmongic; Jiongnai: Changdong Township 长垌, Jinxiu County, Guangxi
  7. Hmongic; Baiyun Pa-Hng: Baiyun 白云, Rongshui County, Guangxi
  8. Mienic; Mien language|Mien], Luoxiang vernacular: Luoxiang Township 罗香, Jinxiu County, Guangxi
  9. Mienic; Mun language|Mun]: Lanjin Township 览金, Lingyun County, Guangxi
  10. Mienic; Biao Min: Dongshan Yao Township 东山, Quanzhou County, Guangxi
  11. Mienic; Zao Min: Daping Township 大平, Liannan County, Guangdong

Wang & Mao (1995)

Wang & Mao base their Proto-Hmong–Mien reconstruction on the following 23 criterion Hmong-Mien languages.
  1. Yanghao 养蒿; Hmu, North
  2. Jiwei 吉卫; Qo Xiong, West
  3. Xianjin 先进 ; Chuanqiandian Miao, 1st lect
  4. Shimenkan 石门坎; Diandongbei Miao
  5. Qingyan 青岩; Guiyang Miao, North
  6. Gaopo 高坡; Huishui Miao, North
  7. Zongdi 宗地; Mashan Miao, Central
  8. Fuyuan 复员; Luobohe Miao, 2nd lect
  9. Fengxiang 枫香; Chong'anjiang Miao
  10. Qibainong 七百弄; Bunu, Dongnu
  11. Yaoli 瑶里; Nao Klao, Baonuo
  12. Wenjie 文界; Pa-Hng, Sanjiang
  13. Changdong 长峒; Jiongnai
  14. Duozhu 多祝; She
  15. Jiangdi 江底; Iu Mien, Guangdian
  16. Xiangjiang 湘江; Iu Mien, Xiangnan
  17. Luoxiang 罗香; Luoxiang Mien Ao Biao
  18. Changping 长坪; Changping Mien Biao Mon
  19. Liangzi 梁子; Kim Mun
  20. Lanjin 览金; Kim Mun
  21. Dongshan 东山; Biao Mon, Dongshan
  22. Sanjiang 三江; Biao Mon, Shikou Chao Kong Meng
  23. Daping 大坪; Dzao Min

Phonology

Ratliff (2010)

Martha Ratliff's 2010 reconstruction contains the following phonemic inventory.
The full set of Proto-Hmong–Mien initial consonants is :
The 3 medial consonants are *-j-, *-l-, and *-r-.
The 6 final stop consonants are *-p, *-t, *-k, *-m, *-n, and *-ŋ.
The Proto-Hmong–Mien vowels are :
FrontCentralBack
High,
Mid-high
Central
Mid-low
Near-low
Low

Proto-Hmong–Mien has the following syllable structure :
Ratliff does not reconstruct vowel length for either Proto-Mienic or Proto-Hmong–Mien; in contrast, Li reconstructs vowel length for both. Even though Mienic languages usually have vowel length, Ratliff ascribes this to areal features that were borrowed after the breakup of Proto-Mienic. Neighboring languages with vowel length include Yue Chinese and Zhuang.

Ostapirat (2016)

Ostapirat revises various reconstructed Proto-Hmong–Mien consonant initials proposed by Ratliff. He suggests that many proto-initials are in fact sesquisyllables, in line with Baxter & Sagart's Old Chinese reconstruction and Pittayaporn's Proto-Tai reconstruction. Examples include reconstructing *m.l- and *m.r- where Ratliff reconstructs *mbl- and *mbr-, respectively. Hmong-Mien presyllables are further discussed in Strecker.
Ostapirat also reconstructs velarized initial consonants where Ratliff reconstructs -j- or -w-. Similarly, Norquest also reconstructs velarized initial consonants for Proto-Kra–Dai.
Additionally, Ostapirat revises Ratliff's uvulars as velars, and her palatals as either alveolars or palatals.
Below are some reconstructions from Ostapirat compared with those of Ratliff.
GlossProto-Hmong-Mien
Proto-Hmong-Mien
Proto-Mienic
Notes
fruit*pˠeuB*pji̯əuX-
float*mbˠeuA*mbi̯əuA< OC 浮
bedbug*pˠiA*pji-
three*pˠuA*pjɔu-
burn*pˠuB*pɔuB-
name*mpˠuC*mpɔuH-
hand*bˠuB*-bɔuX-
to know*peiA*pei-
to dream*mpeiC*mpeiH-
to sleep*pˠeiC*pu̯eiH-
to boil*mpˠeiC*mpuæiH-
to rake*baA*baA< OC 耙
thin*bˠeD*bi̯ɛkD< OC 薄
father*pˠeB*pjaX< OC 父
to mend*mpˠeB*mpjaX< OC 補
chaff*mphˠeD*mpʰi̯ɛk-
dog*kluB*qluwX< OC 狗
cucumber*klˠaA*Kʷa< OC 瓜
to cross over*klˠaiC*KʷajH< OC 過
wide*klˠaŋB*Kʷi̯aŋX< OC 廣
far*klˠuA*qʷuw< OC 迂
bear*klˠepD*qrep-

Taguchi (2023)

Taguchi discusses several revisions in the phonological reconstruction of Proto-Hmong–Mien and suggests a classification based on lexical evidence rather than phonological sound changes. Rimes are simplified, while nasal codas in open rimes in Proto-Hmongic are posited to have derived from historical nasal initial consonants. Taguchi also suggests that Ratliff's Proto-Hmongic *k- and *q- are in fact secondary developments from Proto-Hmong–Mien *kr- and *k-, respectively.

Vocabulary

Below are some words roughly belonging to the semantic domains of agriculture and subsistence from Ratliff, with the Proto-Hmong-Mien and Proto-Hmongic reconstructions from Ratliff, and Old Chinese reconstructions from Baxter & Sagart for comparison. Terms for domesticated animals and non-rice crops are usually shared with Chinese, while vocabulary relating to hunting, rice crops, and local plants and animals are usually not shared with Chinese.
Proto-
Hmong–Mien		Proto-HmongicOld ChineseEnglish
*ntsʰʉC*s-daŋʔ elephant
*ʔlinA*ɢʷan monkey
*ŋgu̯eiB*krun river deer
*tsjɔB*qʰˁraʔ tiger
*ɢləŋB*tsʰˁoŋ Chinese onion
*NKan*C.mˁru cogon grass
*ʰnænB*C.nˁaʔ crossbow
*pənX*Cə.lak-s to shoot
*ndroC*lriwk to track, follow
*Kəi*kˁe chicken
*m-nɔk*tˁiw bird
*qluwX*hmaŋC*Cə.kˁroʔ dog
*ʔap*qraːb duck
*mpæC*pˁra pig
*juŋ*ɢaŋ sheep/goat
*ŋiuŋ*s.ɢijʔ water buffalo
*dup*N.tˁo-s bean
*N-peiX*s-tuk soybean
*wouH*ɢʷa-s taro
*mbləu*lˁuʔ rice plant;
growing/unhusked rice
*ntsuwC*mˤejʔ husked rice
*hnrəaŋH*bonʔ-s cooked rice

The ethnonym Hmong is reconstructed as *hmʉŋA in Proto-Hmongic by Ratliff, while Mien is reconstructed as *mjænA in Proto-Mienic. In comparison, William H. Baxter and Laurent Sagart reconstruct the Old Chinese name of the Mán 蠻 as *mˤro; additionally, Sidwell & Rau reconstruct the Proto-Austroasiatic word for 'person' as *mraʔ.

External relationships

Proto-Hmong–Mien shares many lexical similarities with neighboring language families, including Austroasiatic, Kra-Dai, Austronesian, and Tibeto-Burman. Martha Ratliff lists the following lexical resemblances between Proto-Hmong–Mien and other language families. Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic are provided if the Proto-Hmong–Mien form is not reconstructed.

Austroasiatic

Many lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic language families, some of which had earlier been proposed by Haudricourt. Proto-Austroasiatic reconstructions are from Sidwell.
;Lexical resemblances with Austroasiatic
  • PHM *ʔu̯əm 'water'; Proto-Palaungic *ʔoːm
  • PHM *ntshjamX 'blood'; PAA *ɕaːm, *mɕaːm
  • PHM *ntju̯əŋH 'tree'; PAA *Clɔːŋ
  • PHM *ʔɲæmX 'to weep, cry'; PAA *jaːmˀ
  • PHM *pənX 'to shoot'; PAA *paɲˀ
  • PHM *tu̯eiX 'tail'; PAA *sntaʔ
  • PHM *mpeiH 'to dream'; PAA *ʔmpoːˀ
  • PHM *ʔpu̯ɛŋX 'full'; PAA *biŋ
  • Proto-Hmongic *mbrɔD 'ant'; PAA *suːcˀ
  • Proto-Mienic *səpD 'centipede'; PAA *kʔiːpˀ
  • PHM *klup 'grasshopper'
  • PHM *ntshjeiX 'head louse'; PAA *ciʔ
Other Austroasiatic parallels listed by Kosaka are:
  • PHM *tshuŋX 'bone'; PAA *cʔaːŋ
  • PHM *S-phreiX 'head'; PAA *ɓoːkˀ
  • PHM *pji̯əuX 'fruit'; PAA *pleʔ
  • PHM *pjɔu 'three'; PAA *peːˀ
Ostapirat lists compares the following basic vocabulary items in Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic. Proto-Palaungic as reconstructed by Sidwell has also been reconstructed.
GlossProto-Hmong–Mien
Proto-Vietic
Proto-Wa
Proto-Palaungic
louse*ntshjeiX*ciʔ*siʔ*ciːʔ
fruit*pji̯əuX*pleʔ*pliʔ*pliːʔ
road*kləuX*khraʔ*kraʔ*kraːʔ
shoot*pənX*paɲʔ*pɤɲ*ɓaŋ
blood*ntshjamX*asaːmʔ*hnam*snaːm
weep*ʔɲæmX*jaːmʔ, *ɲaːmʔ*jam*jaːm
hawk*qlaŋX*klaːŋʔ*klaŋ*klaːŋ
cooked*sjenX *ciːnʔ*sin*ciːn
heavy*hnjeinX*naŋʔ*kəɟan
full*pu̯ɛŋXpɔiŋ phoiɲ -
nose*mbruiH*muːs*mɨs*muːs
name*mpɔuHjhmoh *mɨs*muːs
horn*klɛɔŋ*kərəŋ*ʔrɤŋ*-rɤŋ
water*ʔu̯əmʔom *rʔom*ʔoːm
live, alive*ʔjəmʔim *ʔem*ʔiːm
I*ʔja ʔoa *ʔɨʔ*ʔɔːʔ
thou*mu̯eimày me *miːʔ
one*ʔɨ-ʔu
two*ʔu̯i-ʔa
three*pjɔupaj -

Further lexical resemblances between Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic are listed in Hsiu.

Kra-Dai

Many lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Kra-Dai language families, although the tones often do not correspond. Proto-Tai reconstructions are from Pittayaporn. Many of the Proto-Tai forms also have close parallels with Proto-Austronesian.
;Lexical resemblances with Kra-Dai
  • Proto-Hmongic *kɛŋB 'I, 1.'; PT *kuːA, *kawA
  • PHM *mu̯ei 'thou, 2.'; PT *mɯŋA, *maɰA
  • PHM *təjH 'to die', *dəjH 'to kill'; PT *p.taːjA 'to die'
  • PHM *ʔneinX 'this'; PT *najC
  • PHM *m-nɔk 'bird'; PT *C̬.nokD
  • PHM *mbrəuX 'fish'; PT *plaːA
  • Proto-Hmongic *hmaŋC 'wild dog'; PT *ʰmaːA 'dog'
  • Proto-Hmongic *ʔlinA 'monkey'; PT *liːŋA
Kosaka lists many lexical resemblances between Kra-Dai and Hmong-Mien languages, and proposes that they form part of a larger Miao-Dai language family.

Austronesian

Many lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Austronesian language families, some of which are also shared with Kra-Dai and Austroasiatic. Proto-Austronesian and Proto-Malayo-Polynesian reconstructions are from Blust.
;Lexical resemblances with Austronesian and Kra-Dai
  • Proto-Hmongic *kɛŋB 'I, 1.'; PMP *-ku 'my'
  • PHM *mu̯ei 'thou, 2.'; PAN *-mu '2nd person'
  • PHM *mi̯əu 'you, 2.'; PAN *-mu '2nd person'
  • PHM *təjH 'to die'; PAN *ma-aCay
  • PHM *dəjH 'to kill'; PAN *pa-aCay
  • PHM *m-nɔk 'bird'; PMP *manuk
;Lexical resemblances with Austronesian and Austroasiatic
  • PHM *tu̯eiX 'tail'; PMP *buntut
  • PHM *pu̯ɛŋX 'full'; PMP *penuq
  • PHM *pənX 'to shoot'; PMP *panaq
  • PHM *mpeiH 'to dream'; PAN *Sepi, PMP *hipi
;Other lexical resemblances with Austronesian
  • PHM *mlu̯ɛjH 'soft'; PMP *ma-lumu
  • PHM *dəp 'bite'; PMP *ketep
  • PHM *klæŋ 'insect, worm, maggot'; PAN *qulej 'maggot'
  • PHM *tɛmX 'body louse'; PAN *CumeS, PMP *tumah 'clothes louse'

Tibeto-Burman

Ratliff notes that the Hmong-Mien numerals from 4-9 and various culture-related vocabulary have been borrowed from Tibeto-Burman. The Proto-Tibeto-Burman forms provided below are from James Matisoff.
;Lexical borrowings from Tibeto-Burman
  • PHM *plei 'four' < PTB *b-ləy
  • PHM *prja 'five' < PTB *b-ŋa
  • PHM *kruk 'six' < PTB *d-k-ruk
  • PHM *dzjuŋH 'seven'
  • PHM *jat 'eight' < PTB *b-r-gyat ~ *b-g-ryat
  • PHM *N-ɟuə 'nine' < PTB *d/s-kəw
  • Proto-Hmongic *hnɛŋA and Proto-Mienic *hnu̯ɔiA 'sun, day' < PTB *s-nəy
  • PHM *hlaH 'moon, month' < PTB *s-la
  • PHM *hməŋH 'night' < PTB *s-muːŋ 'dark'
  • PHM *ʔɲam 'sister-in-law' < PTB *nam 'daughter-in-law'
  • PHM *ʔweiX 'son-in-law' < PTB *krwəy
  • PHM *hlep 'to slice' < PTB *s-lep
  • PHM *hmjænX 'footprint, track' < PTB *s-naŋ 'to follow'
  • Proto-Hmongic *mjænB 'horse' < PTB *mraŋ
Additionally, Paul K. Benedict notes that Proto-Hmong–Mien contains loanwords from an unknown Tibeto-Burman language or branch, which Benedict refers to as Donor Miao-Yao. Benedict believes that these Tibeto-Burman loanwords predate Hmong-Mien's contact with Old Chinese. Some numerals that Benedict reconstructed for Proto-Donor Miao-Yao are given below.
  • *pliA 'four'
  • *praA 'five'
  • *truk 'six'
  • *znis 'seven'
  • *hryat 'eight'
  • *t-guA 'nine'
  • *gup 'ten'
Guillaume Jacques notes that there are Tibeto-Burman parallels for various Hmong-Mien words that are found specifically in rGyalrongic and neighboring Qiangic languages. These include the words for 'snow', 'scold', 'walnut', and 'bamboo'.