Iranian opposition
The Iranian opposition consists of various groups that oppose the Islamic Republic government and the current theocratic clerical leadership in Iran. These groups are ideologically diverse, including republicans, monarchists, socialists, communists, ethnic separatists, supporters of Western liberal democracy, and Islamists. The opposition movement is currently fragmented and riddled with internal divisions over the future of a post-Islamic Republic Iran.
Opposition during the Pahlavi monarchy
In the period surrounding the 1953 Iranian coup d'état, many Shia clerics began to oppose Iran's secular government. For example, Ayatollah Abol-Qasem Kashani and his followers organised a series of protests against Mohammad Mosaddegh's liberal reforms. By July 1953 when Mosaddegh asked for a critical extension of his emergency powers, "... Clerical members of the Majles who supported Kashani left the National Front Coalition and set up their own Islamic Faction...".. This faction then boycotted the 1953 referendum concerning the dissolution of parliament.In 1963, Iran launched the White Revolution, a far-reaching series of reforms to aggressively modernise the country. This aroused the antagonism of the Ulama led by Ruhollah Khomeini, the future leader of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, who opposed the erosion of their traditional bases of power, and met with difficulties from a high failure rate for new farms and an exodus of agricultural workers to an alienating, atomised life in Iran's major cities. Eventually, the Shah exiled Khomeini in 1964, but he later returned to Tehran from exile in 1979 after the Shah fled Iran during the Islamic Revolution.
Opposition during the Islamic Republic
Early opposition
Following the Iranian Revolution and the end of Pahlavi Iran in 1979, opposition to the new regime soon emerged. During International Women's Day in 1979, massive anti-hijab protests broke out in Tehran over the regime's intention to introduce mandatory hijab veiling for women in public.On 14 June 1980, Ruhollah Khomeini issued an order aimed to "purify" higher education by removing Western, liberal, and leftist elements, leading to the closure of universities, the banning of student unions, and violent occupations of campuses. Following the 1979 revolution, the MEK began to gain popularity among university students. During the Cultural Revolution in Iran, clerics imposed policies to islamise Iranian society, including the expulsion of critical academics, the suppression of secular political groups, and the persecution of intellectuals and artists. These measures sparked large-scale protests across the country.
On the final day of the elections, Massoud Rajavi met with President Abolhassan Banisadr, complaining that the IRP and its Hezbollah supporters were systematically intimidating voters, disrupting rallies, assaulting campaign workers, and setting ballot boxes on fire. The MEK then arrived at two key conclusions: first, that they had enough popular backing to serve as an opposition to the IRP; and second, that the IRP would not allow them to operate as an opposition. The group began clashing with the ruling Islamic Republican Party while avoiding direct and open criticism of Khomeini. The MEK was in turn suppressed by Khomeini's revolutionary organisations.
In response to the widely disputed impeachment of President Banisadr, the MEK organised a large-scale protest against Khomeini on 20 June 1981, intending to topple the regime. Big crowds gathered in various cities, with the Tehran protest alone attracting up to 500,000 people. Leading clerics proclaimed that demonstrators would be considered "enemies of God" and face immediate execution regardless of age. This marked the beginning of the 1981–1982 Iran massacres led by the Islamic government.
In the years after, the Iranian opposition continued to resist the government through various protests, including the and 1999 Iranian student protests.
In 2004, a number of Iranian activists led by Hassan Shariatmadari formed the United Republicans of Iran in exile.
Growing discontent
emerged after the Iranian presidential election in 2009 when protestors criticised the government for electoral fraud. The protests became part of the Iranian Green Movement, a growing opposition to the Iranian government. This was described at the time as the "biggest unrest since the 1979 revolution".Due to anger over the policy of mandatory hijabs for women, Iranian women gained an increasingly prominent role in the Iranian opposition during this period. In 2017, a video of a girl waving her hijab around on the streets of Tehran went viral online, prompting similar anti-hijab protests in the following months.
In November 2018, ten Iranian opposition groups signed a joint memorandum of understanding to show unity amidst internal divisions and reconfirm their support for the "overthrow of the Islamic regime". The parties agree in their desire to create a parliamentary democracy along with the principle of separation of church and state. The signatories included: the Democratic Alliance, the Democratic and Secular Republican Movement of Iran, the Ahvaz Democratic Solidarity Party, the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan, the Kurdistan Democratic Party, the Komalah, the, the Union of People's Fedaian of Iran, the Provisional Council of Left Socialists of Iran, and the Komala of the Toilers of Kurdistan.
On 12 June 2019, the 10-year anniversary of the 2009 Iranian presidential election, 14 opposition activists in and outside Iran signed the Statement of 14 Political Activists. The open letter proposed a series of political and civil demands, including improvements to women's rights in Iran, greater independence between the branches of government, amendments to the Constitution of Iran, and for Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei to step down. Other activists also signed letters with similar content in August, resulting in several arrests.
In October 2020, Reza Pahlavi issued a message titled "New Pact", emphasising the rejection of the monopoly of power. He called for stronger connections between acts of civil disobedience throughout the country, including protests and strikes. He also called on all pro-democracy political forces to set aside their differences and unite for the transition from the Islamic Republic. Abdulla Mohtadi, Secretary General of the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan and a member of the, considered this message a positive first step, but did not consider it sufficient for unity among the opposition. Mojtaba Vahedi viewed Pahlavi's message positively, and commended his opposition to individual rule. However, Vahedi criticised Pahlavi's claim about his lack of desire for political power, asserting that political power is needed to implement political activity. He further called on Pahlavi to deal with those who create discord among the Iranian opposition to avoid prolonging the Islamic Republic. Ammar Maleki, a professor of political science in the Netherlands, assessed this move as positive and promising, but believed that more practical action is required.
In September 2022, widespread protests erupted across Iran following the death of Mahsa Amini, who was killed after her arrest for wearing the hijab "improperly".
On 3 February 2023, former Prime Minister and reformist leader of the Green Revolution Mir-Hossein Mousavi called for a referendum on an end to clerical rule, stating that "he no longer supports the current Islamic Republic constitution". In a statement signed by over 400 political activists and journalists, Mousavi called for the creation of a constituent assembly and a new constitution, believing that "with the current social awakening, and the society's disillusionment with reforms within the current political structure, there is no other way than allowing the people to decide their own destiny." This shift brings Mousavi in line with other opposition voices in its call for transition away from the Islamic Republic, and has been embraced by Pahlavi, who reiterated the need for a big tent and unity among opponents of the government Iran's top Sunni cleric Abdolhamid Ismaeelzahi also supported the initiative, saying, "Mousavi showed that he understood the realities of society. It's time for other politicians and ulema to think about saving the country and see the facts."
On 10 February 2023, the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security hosted a conference called the, gathering major Iranian opposition groups to discuss a transition path for the creation of a secular and democratic Iran. Attendees of the summit included actresses Nazanin Boniadi and Golshifteh Farahani, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Shirin Ebadi, activists Masih Alinejad and Dr. Hamed Esmaeilion; former soccer captain Ali Karimi, former Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi, and Kurdish leader Abdullah Mohtadi. The creation of the group was announced shortly afterwards, with a stated goal of supporting justice and an independent judiciary, along with the overthrow of the Islamic Republic of Iran to realise democracy and human rights in Iran.
In early March 2023, opposition groups published the "", nicknamed the Mahsa Charter after Mahsa Amini. This effort received some attention from the press, and is seeking support from the international community. Due to his position as heir to the House of Pahlavi, Pahlavi emphasises his role "in this process of transition is to be of help to maintain a smooth process — to maximise the participation of democratic forces in this process", and that whoever the Iranians then elect in a free and open referendum is up to them.
On 9 March 2023, five opposition groups announced the creation of, a political coalition to advance the goal of establishing a "secular democratic republic in Iran". The coalition was created from United Republicans of Iran, National Front of Iran—Europe,,, and the.
In December 2025, economic hardship caused by hyperinflation of the Iranian rial led to widespread discontent and resulted in the 2025–2026 Iranian protests. By 8 January 2026, the uprising had spread to all 31 provinces, with the Institute for the Study of War recording over 340 distinct protests in a single week. A nationwide general strike paralyzed major commercial centers, including the Grand Bazaar of Tehran, Tabriz, and Isfahan. In response to the unrest, the Iranian government implemented a total internet blackout and deployed ground forces from the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps to suppress demonstrators, particularly in Kurdistan and Kermanshah. Reports indicated that protesters had taken control of municipal buildings in several western cities.
In response to the unrest, Maryam Rajavi stated that Iran has entered an irreversible crisis, with the government weakened by decades of repression and corruption, and facing growing public discontent. She said protests that began in late 2025 spread nationwide due to inflation, currency collapse, resource shortages, and poverty. According to Rajavi, regional setbacks, low electoral participation, and widespread dissatisfaction have eroded the regime's social base, while an organised resistance and younger protesters are increasingly challenging both religious and monarchical rule.
Also in response, Reza Pahlavi called for strikes and urged members of the armed forces to defect. In a statement on 9 January 2026, he said that the Islamic Republic was "crumbling" and that the opposition had established secure communication channels with over 50,000 defectors within the regime's bureaucracy and military.