Sarit Thanarat
Sarit Thanarat was a Thai politician and military commander. He served as commander-in-chief of the Royal Thai Army and as Minister of Defense during Plaek Phibunsongkhram's premiership. In 1957, he became chief of a military junta after leading a coup in which Phibun was overthrown. Sarit lasted the de facto prime minister only five days before was replaced by Pote Sarasin, but assumed power again as the head of the Revolutionary Council after 1958 coup and then as the eleventh Prime Minister of Thailand in February 1959 until his death in 1963.
Born in Phra Nakhon and raised in Mukdahan, Sarit graduated from the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy in 1928 and began his military career as a second lieutenant in the 2nd Infantry Division. He first gained recognition during the Boworadet Rebellion, where he commanded government forces under Plaek Phibunsongkhram. During World War II, he participated in the Burma campaign, leading forces in the invasion of the Shan State under General Phin Choonhavan. Known for his strict discipline and effective leadership, Sarit quickly rose through the ranks and established himself as a prominent figure within the military after the war.
After the 1947 coup d'état, Sarit became a key political figure in Phibun's government and played an active role in suppressing the Palace Rebellion of 1949. By the 1950s, Sarit emerged as a central figure in the "Triumvirate" alongside Phao Siyanon and Phibun, as they competed for dominance in Thai politics. Sarit's influence grew significantly after the February 1957 election crisis, during which he led a coup that ousted Phibun and temporarily assumed leadership as the head of the Revolutionary Council. Although he initially restored power to civilian authorities, Sarit launched another coup in 1958, consolidating power and officially becoming Prime Minister.
As Prime Minister, Sarit established a highly centralized and authoritarian government. He suspended the constitution, dissolved parliament, and banned political parties, consolidating all power in his hands. Sarit emphasized modernization and economic development, focusing on Infrastructure, agriculture, and industrialization. His government received substantial support from the United States, as it aligned itself with the anti-communist bloc during the Cold War. Domestically, Sarit promoted a strong sense of Thai nationalism and emphasized the importance of the monarchy, which became central to his administration's legitimacy.
Sarit’s legacy remains significant and controversial. He is credited with stabilizing Thailand during a period of turbulence and implementing policies that fostered economic growth and modernization. However, his regime was also characterized by authoritarianism, corruption, and political repression. Sarit’s efforts to elevate the monarchy's role in politics have had a lasting impact on Thailand’s political structure and influencing subsequent military-led government.
Military career
Sarit Thanarat was educated at a monastery school, and entered Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy in 1919, not completing his military studies until 1928, after which he was commissioned as a second lieutenant. During World War II he served as commander of an infantry battalion and took part in the invasion and occupation of the Shan States in Burma. Unlike many of his fellow officers, Sarit was not discharged at the end of the war. Instead, he was promoted to command the 1st Infantry Regiment of the Bangkok-based Guards Division. As a colonel, he played a leading role in the 1947 military coup that overthrew the government of Prime Minister Thawal Thamrong Navaswadhi, a protege of Pridi Phanomyong, reinstalling the previously deposed Field Marshal Luang Phibunsongkram as premier. Sarit thereafter took a lasting interest in politics. He became Commander of the Royal Thai Army in 1954.Events leading to the coup
During the early-1950s, the Phibun government grew increasingly unpopular. This paved the way for the rise of Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat.Elections of 26 February 1957
The passing of the 1955 Political Party Bill led to the proliferation of more than twenty-five political parties. The government's Legislative Committee was revamped into the Seri Manangkhasila Party which was headed by Phibun with Sarit as deputy chief and Phao as secretary-general. Sarit did not play a significant role in the election process and generally left Phao in charge.Although the Seri Manangkhasila Party beat the Democrat Party, the latter was seen to have won a moral victory. The Democrat Party and the press accused the government of rigging the vote and using hooligans to terrorize both candidates and voters. In a bid to repress public discontent, Phibun declared a state of emergency and Sarit was appointed as the supreme commander of military forces. However, Sarit effectively disassociated himself from the corrupt party when he commented that the 1957 elections. "were dirty, the dirtiest. Everybody cheated."
The Isan crisis
In 1957, one of Isan's worst droughts occurred. It prompted a mass exodus of people from the northeast to Bangkok, which led to social problems. The government seemed to regard this diaspora as natural and said that it could neutralize peasant discontent. The Minister of Agriculture, Field Marshal Phin Choonhavan, said that northeasterner's migration to the city and their consumption of frogs and lizards was normal and that there was nothing to worry about. At Hua Lamphong railway station in Bangkok, there were so many refugees arriving daily that students and monks had to set up emergency help stations.On 10 August, the Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Phin, was sent by helicopter to survey the Isan region where he found nothing amiss. A second survey, also done by air, was published and again indicated that there was no crisis in Isan as all the land was in acceptable condition. In a final attempt to resolve the issue, the Phibun government allocated 53 million baht, which was to be divided equally among the 53 Isan representatives.
The lumber swindle
Before the government could recover from its inept management of the Isan crisis, its integrity was once again questioned. Thailand was loaned US$66 million for the Bhumibol Dam, a dam 154 meters high on the Ping River in Tak. The project was to take six years and had to pay for itself after completion. Many MPs were against the loan as it came immediately after the Isan famine. Out of respect for the king, the plan for the dam was not rejected. Things further escalated when Thiem Khomrit, Director-General of the Forestry Department, was forced to resign and was charged with administrative incompetence.Enraged by the charges, Thiem went to the press to reveal the real reason for his dismissal. He stated that several powerful figures in the Thai government wanted to establish the Forestry Company of Thailand which would merge with other private companies and thereby control the lumber and teak industries. Phin, who headed this project, wanted to suspend all forestry licenses when other companies refused to collude. The plan to establish the Forestry Company of Thailand involved the Bhumibhol Dam project, as members of the Forestry Company wanted to monopolize the cutting of timber in the areas to be flooded by the dam. Thiem further revealed that the Seri Manangkhasila Party had submitted an early application for a license to cut down trees in the area. According to Thiem, his refusal to approve the government's application was the cause of his dismissal.
The coup
On 13 September 1957, Sarit handed Phibun the army's ultimatum. The ultimatum, signed by 58 army officers, called for the resignation of the government. The public supported Sarit's ultimatum.On 16 September, a public gathering assembled to protest Phibun and his government. The crowd, which quickly grew in numbers, marched to Sarit's residence to show support for the army's demands. As Sarit was not at home, the crowd broke into the government compound where they made speeches condemning the government. The protesters later returned to Sarit's home where he was waiting to address them. In his speech, Sarit said, "In the name of the army and deputies of the second category, I have conducted my activities based on popular will, and the interests of the people — your coming here gives me moral support to continue."
The following morning, Sarit and his army staged a coup d'etat. In less than an hour, the army successfully captured strategic points with no resistance. To identify themselves, Sarit's forces wore white arm bands as a sign of purity. Following these developments, Phibun immediately fled the country and Phao was deported to Europe. Thus began Sarit's rule.
Influences on Sarit's rule
According to many Western academics, the Cold War largely propped up Sarit's regime. In his book, Daniel Fineman states that Phibun, and later Sarit, aligned their foreign policies with US anti-communist foreign policy, so as to receive financial and military aid. Sarit's strict stance against communism further reinforced the US belief that only the Thai military could contain the communist threat.In contrast, Likhit Dhiravegin stresses that the notion of phokho from the Sukhothai Kingdom and devaraja and sakdina from the Ayutthaya Kingdom are essential in understanding modern Thai politics. Likhit's analysis shows how Sarit combined paternalistic rule from the Sukothai with Ayuthaya's despotic power to create his personal political style. According to Thak, Luang Wichit Wathakan was essential in moulding the leadership principles of Phibun and Sarit. From him, Sarit was introduced to the idea of pattiwat and the guiding leadership principle of phokhun.
Sarit's tenure
Paternalism
Within days of the coup, electricity rates were lowered and families living in the water-scarce Bangkok-Thonburi area were given 300 large buckets of water free every month. To help the needy, the Revolutionary Council ordered the municipal government to abolish certain taxes, charges for official service, and license fees. Hospitals were ordered to give out free medicine and healthcare to the poor, while student nurses and social workers were instructed to make house calls to help with child delivery and health problems.To lower food prices, Sarit ordered the opening of new markets modeled after the Sunday flea markets at Sanam Luang. Merchants could sell their goods directly to the public instead of going through middlemen, thus reducing food prices. Participating merchants only had to pay nominal fee. Sarit also lowered the price of iced black coffee, a popular beverage among locals, from 70 satang per glass to 50 satang per glass..
The Association of Rice Merchants agreed to lower their rice prices in the stores they controlled. In a bid to show that everyone was participating in the revolution, the navy was called on by Sarit to provide cheap coconuts to be sold to the public.
Even though many of these programs did not last long or were not implemented, their announcements helped to create an atmosphere of enthusiasm for the new government.