Northern Wu phonology


Northern Wu, or Taihu Wu, is the largest subbranch of Wu Chinese, and is spoken in Shanghai, southern Jiangsu, and northern Zhejiang. These languages are noted for their extremely high number of vowels, even compared to some Germanic languages, and highly complex tone sandhi. This article will use [Romanization of Wu Chinese|Wu Chinese|Wugniu] and IPA for transcription.

Syllable structure

Much like other Sinitic languages, Northern Wu languages almost universally have an initial-final-tone syllable structure. The final can be further split into the glide, nucleus and coda. For the most part, contemporary Northern Wu languages only permit nasals and the glottal stop in coda position, though there is evidence to suggest that this was not the case in some historical varieties. There are plentiful initials in Northern Wu, more than many other Sinitic languages such as Cantonese or Changshanese, partially due to the preservation of voiced initials, which will be explained in more detail in other sections.

Initials

Much like other Wu languages, Northern Wu languages tend to preserve historical voiced initials, which is a feature only found in several other lects along the Yangtze River, such as Old Xiang.
Northern Wu languages' initials are generally similar. The following is a table of all the commonly-found Northern Wu phonemic initials, with their common urban realizations, Wugniu romanization, and example syllables.

Noteworthy omissions

Some varieties in Suzhou and Jiaxing have retroflex initials, much like some Mandarin varieties. Compare the following examples.
BeijingChangshuChangzhouShengzhou
zhāng
can1
tsan1
tsan1
cháng
jan2
zan2
dzan2
chuán
zhe2
zoe2
zoen2

Characteristic preservations and innovations

Northern Wu, much like other Wu varieties, preserves voicing in its initials. The exact mechanism in which this is realized is discussed below.
Again, much like other Wu languages, Northern Wu preserves the Middle Chinese ri initial as a nasal. Compare the following, where ⟨gn⟩ is used to notate //:
BeijingGuangzhouXi'anSeoul
ShanghaiBeilunAnji
jat6ěrilgniq8gniq8gniq8
juk6okgnioq8, gniuq8gnioq8gnioq8

Note that 日 here is pronounced in the colloquial pronunciations rather than literary ones.

Palatalization

Many Northern Wu varieties have sibilants that undergo palatalization. This process is becoming more common among younger speakers.
Old SuzhouOld WuxiShanghaiNew SuzhouNew Wuxi
tsin1tsin1cin1cin1cin1
cin1cin1cin1cin1cin1
zi2zi6zhi6ji6ji6
ji2ji6ji6ji6ji6

Depression

The voiced initials in Northern Wu languages are realised with breathy voice. This functions much like a phonemic depressor and lowers the pitch of the realization. Some linguists, such as Y. R. Chao, transcribe these phones not as voiced consonants, but as voiceless consonants followed by // or //. More recently, potentially due to Standard Mandarin influence, the younger generation has merged the pronunciation of the unaspirated voiceless series with the voiced series. However, the functional load of the breathy voice is already relatively low, due to the fact that tonal distribution lends to disambiguation between historically voiced and voiceless syllables. This breathy voice is at times known as "murmur".
Some speakers, particularly in Shanghai, may constrict their throats when pronouncing voiceless initials to further disambiguate breathy and modal initials. This construction may result in the pronunciation of an implosive.

Implosives

In various suburban Shanghainese varieties, the unaspirated voiceless series is realised as implosives. This feature appears to also have been in urban Shanghainese, though it is lost today.

Glottal plosive series

The glottal fricatives // and // are phonotactically part of a plosive series with //. Spectral analyses have found that these three phones show three-way differences parallel to stops. Younger speakers also tend to merge with, not, as would be expected if it were phonotatically a fricative. As the has been analyzed as a null initial in the past, it could be said that Northern Wu languages have a three-way null initial contrast.

Finals

Finals vary significantly more than initials in Northern Wu languages. As such, only noteworthy phonological and diachronic features will be discussed. For detailed analyses of individual lects, refer to their specific pages.

Characteristic innovations

''Ma'' raising

A feature found in many Wu languages, including Northern Wu, is the raising of the historical ma rimes. They are typically realised as //, though some lects such as Shanghainese or Wuxinese may raise it even higher and having it merge with //. The exact sets of words that undergo raising varies from lect to lect, though in general, the southern two branches have more raising than northern ones.
HaimenQingpuWuxiTongluNingboBeijing
bo2bo2bu2buo2bo2
dzo2zo2zeu2jiuo2dzo2chá
gho4gho6wu6wo6gho6xià
ka1ka1ka1kuo1ko1jiā

Notice how the two localities in Zhejiang, Tonglu and Ningbo, both pronounce the word 家 with a raised vowel, whereas those in Jiangsu and Shanghai do not. Northern varieties tend to retain the // value after velars, whereas Linshao and Yongjiang do not.

''Hou'' fronting

Northern Wu lects along the Grand Canal tend to front the Qieyun Middle Chinese 侯 rime. Y. R. Chao suggested that this is due to influence from Hangzhounese. Chao raises the example of 歐洲後頭的狗 "the dog behind Europe", pronounced as, taken from his native Changzhounese. Compare Standard Mandarin Ōuzhōu hòutóu de gǒu.

''Shan'' and ''xian'' rimes

The Northern Wu languages exhibit interesting behaviour regarding Qieyun Middle Chinese shan and xian rimes. Some varieties lose the nasal coda completely, whereas others retain it. Some also leave some sporadic nasalization. They typically also have abnormally raised, rounded, or fronted vowels and more complex distribution when compared to other lects, thus resulting in noticeable differences. This behaviour is also exhibited in Hangzhounese.
Qieyun descriptionYixingKunshanJiaxingWuhangZhoushan
Open Grade IIsa1sae1sae1sae1sae1
Closed Grade III 咸va2vae2vae2vae2vae2
Open Grade III 咸ye2ie2ye2ye2ghien2
Open Grade IV 山tie1thie1thie1thie1thien1
Closed Grade III 山chioe1tshoe1tshoe1tshae1tshoen1
Open Grade Ine2noe2noe2nae2nei2

Frication

Several Northern Wu varieties have a very large number of contrastive high vowels. This contrast is typically realised in the form of rounding or frication. This frication can be notated as a lowering or raising of the vowel or as a glide insertion. Typically, frication in non-apical vowels happens to contrast terms with historical nasal codas.

Codas

Codas in Northern Wu are relatively simple compared to other Sinitic languages. In most modern Northern Wu varieties, only a single nasal phoneme and a checked coda are permitted in coda position.

Nasal coda

Northern Wu languages typically only have one final nasal phoneme. This is typically realised as,, or a nasalization of the nucleus vowel, typically in free variation.

Checked coda

Aside from nasals, Northern Wu languages typically only permit in coda position, though some modern varieties and historical texts still preserve. This is different to other coastal Southern Chinese languages, as they typically do not merge all checked codas into one category. It is also noteworthy that the coda is often realised as a shortening of the vowel rather than an actual, which contrasts with Oujiang varieties, which typically lengthen checked syllables. Compare the following syllables.
Historical codaEdkins
ShanghaiHaining
ShangyuYinzhouWenzhouHong KongXi'anTokyo
-plihliq8
liq8
liq7
liq8
lei8, li8
,
laap6

ryuu
-pfahfaq7
faq7
faq7
faq7
ho7
faat3

hou
-tt’ihthiq7
thiq7
thiq7
thiq7
thi7
tit3
tiě
teti
-tt’sihchiq7
chiq7
chiq7
chiq7
tshai7
cat1

siti
-kkókkoq7
koq7
koq7
koq7
ko7
gok3
juǒ
kaku
-klokloq8
loq8
loq8
loq8
lo8
lok6
luǒ
raku

Tones

Tone plays a critical role in Northern Wu and impacts the realisation of both initials and finals. It disambiguates between both monosyllabic words via underlying tone and polysyllabic terms through the use of tone sandhi. Northern Wu languages can theoretically have up to twelve phonemic tones, depending on analysis. These lects can be found in places in Suzhou and Jiaxing, such as Wujiang.

Phonemic tone

Phonemic tones in Northern Wu is traditionally analysed based on four historical tone categories, which are further divided in half based on the voicing of the initial. Those that pair with voiceless initials are known as "dark" tones and the opposite is true for "light" ones. This yields a total of eight tones. The hypothetical maximum of 12 tones are achieved when aspiration conditions a further tone split through the dark tones.
Historical
Category
PhonationExample wordsCategoryWugniuSonglingTongliPingwang
LevelPlain剛丁三安Whole dark level
全陰平
1555555
LevelAspirate開粗天偏Partial dark level
次陰平
1333333
LevelVoiced陳唐寒人Light level
陽平
2131324
RisingPlain古短比好Whole dark rising
全陰上
3515151
RisingAspirate口草體普Partial dark rising
次陰上
3424234
RisingVoiced近厚老染Light rising
陽上
4313123
DepartingPlain蓋對漢送Whole dark rising
全陰去
5412412513
DepartingAspirate臭菜退戲Partial dark rising
次陰去
5312312313
DepartingVoiced樹共飯帽Light rising
陽去
6212212213
CheckedPlain各百說發Whole dark rising
全陰入
7555
CheckedAspirate尺切拍曲Partial dark rising
次陰入
7333
CheckedVoiced局服岳六Light rising
陽入
8222

Note that, unlike Yue languages, the dark checked tone split is conditioned by aspiration, not vowel length.
Although there are Northern Wu lects with a high number of tones, it is also noteworthy that contemporary Shanghainese in particular only has at most five phonemic tones, by merging tones 2 and 4 with 6, and tones 3 with 5. A typical Northern Wu variety has 7–8 tones.
For the most part, light tones can only occur with voiced initials, and dark tones can only occur with voiceless initials. In general, the light counterpart of a dark tone tends to be a lowered equivalent of the dark tone, as explored above. Compare the pronunciations of the dark and light departing tones in the following Wu varieties:
Tone 5Tone 6
Jiangyin423213
Suzhou51331
Pinghu44513
Haiyan35213
Xiaoshan5331
Ningbo44213
Shanghai334113

Neutral tones

Neutral tones, informally transcribed as 0 or not transcribed at all, are found in tone sandhi and in some grammatical particles. For instance, the perfective particle in Shanghainese should be tone 8 due to its voiced and checked nature, though it in reality functions without a tone. This phenomenon can also be observed in Standard Mandarin, though it is more pronounced in Northern Wu due to the grammatical nature of Northern Wu sandhi.

Tone sandhi

Northern Wu languages all have tone sandhi, both left-prominent and often right-prominent. LPS is typically found in polysyllabic words, whereas RPS is typically found in verb-object constructions. This is a feature that is shared among Wu languages, though in Northern Wu, sandhi chains generally share similar contours. This, coupled with the fact that this sort of complex tone sandhi cannot be found in the Qieyun system or reconstructions of Middle Chinese, would suggest that this sandhi is a Wu shared innovation, and that Northern Wu languages share a recent common origin.
There are five general types of contours:
  • Contour spreading, where the contour of the head syllable gets stretched over subsequent syllables
  • Default realization, where the subsequent syllables become null tones
  • Contour leveling, where a syllable removes its tone contour movement such that it becomes level
  • Citation target, where a tone on a syllable in a sandhi chain varies compared to its monosyllabic/citation form because it is affected by other conditioning factors such as stress. For example, stress can cause an apparent tone contour to start and end higher compared to its underlying form. Stress can also neutralize the dipping portion of such a bidirectional tone, becoming a simple rising contour.
  • Categorical shift, where the subsequent syllables change tone categories

Left-prominent sandhi

LPS in Northern Wu is typically regarded as highly complex. Northern Wu varieties are traditionally analysed to have unique sandhi chains for each tone category of every syllable, which results in complex charts that sprawl several pages. However, these analyses can usually be simplified, and not all combinations yield unique sandhi chains. Shanghainese LPS, for instance, has traditionally been analysed to only preserve phonemic tone on the first or head syllable, and drop it on all subsequent syllables, which may thus be considered somewhat similar to pitch accent in some languages. However, some younger speakers insert a rising tone contour on traditionally voiced initials to perhaps mimic the depression effect.
This is similar to some analyses of Suzhounese and Hangzhounese. Checked tones in Suzhounese can be analysed to preserve the underlying tone of the first two syllables, whereas Hangzhounese sandhi is conditioned based on whether the second syllable belongs to the rising or non-rising category.
The tone category of the third and fourth syllables do not matter.

Right-prominent sandhi

RPS primarily occurs on verbs in verb-object constructions, and often is only relevant to monosyllables. They also occur in certain situations such as quantitative adjectives and a handful of irregular words. This can be used to disambiguate between certain constructions, such as the famous 炒麪 example, but also the following:
LPS

RPS


Works cited

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