Peramangk

The Peramangk are an Aboriginal Australian people whose lands traditionally comprise the Adelaide Hills, as well as lands to the west of the Murray River in mid Murraylands and through to the northern part of the Fleurieu Peninsula in the Australian state of South Australia.
A particular group of Peramangk were sometimes referred to by settlers as the Mount Barker tribe, as their numbers were noted to be great around the Mount Barker summit, meanwhile Peramangk country also extends from the Angaston district and the Barossa Range in the north, south to Myponga, east to Mannum and west to the Mount Lofty Ranges.
Colonial reports of the mid 1800s, as well as modern research, describe varying degrees of respect, intermarriage, trade and competition between the tribes of the Adelaide region, being the Kaurna, Ngarrindjeri, Ngadjuri, Peramangk and others. While each tribe had differing cultural practices, they often met on Peramangk land or through Peramangk facilitation. Conflicts between indigenous tribes may have been exacerbated by the upheaval of European arrival.
It is often stated that after the European settlement of the Adelaide Hills, Aboriginal South Australians, including people of Peramangk heritage, were forced into missions set up by church and government organisations, as were many of the Kaurna and other neighbouring tribes. Many Peramangk may have integrated with the Kaurna, Ngarrindjeri, Nganguruku or other tribes, although relocation from traditional lands was not universal. In recent decades, there have been moves to identify Peramangk descendants through genealogy and through outreach to those who identify as Peramangk. Adelaide Hills schools, churches and local councils hold frequent welcome to country ceremonies hosted by Peramangk elders and artists.

Family groups and territories

Peramangk family group names include Poonawatta, Tarrawatta, Karrawatta, Yira-Ruka, Wiljani, Mutingengal, Runganng, Jolori, Pongarang, Paldarinalwar, Merelda. While some major aspects of Peramangk culture became unpractised during European settlement, many families survive with a Peramangk genealogy. Norman Tindale in his various interviews with Peramangk descendants recorded the names of at least eight family groups: the Poonawatta to the west of Mount Crawford, the Yira-Ruka to the east down as far as Mount Torrens and Mannum and the Tarrawatta whose lands extended to the North as far as Angaston. The Karrawatta and Mutingengal, occupied lands to the north of Mount Barker, but somewhat south of the River Torrens. The Rungang, Pongarang, and the Merelda, occupied the lands to the south of Mount Barker, in preceding order down as far as Myponga in the south.

Peramangk language

The Peramangk language belongs to the greater Pama-Nyungan group of languages. Bowern classifies it as Lower Murray. When interviewing Robert 'Tarby' Mason, Tindale learned that the language of the Peramangk was related to the groups as far north as Lake Victoria. That put them in close contact with the Nganguruku, Ngaiawang, Ngadjuri, Ngarkat and Maraura peoples, as well as their clear relationship with the Kaurna people and language.

Dreaming stories

Montongenggl – a legend of two children in the stringy bark tree
Yurebilla – The Giant whose body became the Mount Lofty Ranges
Two Mates – Who travelled from other lands way up north to visit the Peramangk people at Mount Lofty
Tjilbruke – The Water and Fire Man who travelled around all of Peramangk territory marking the boundaries of their territories with his travels. Feeling saddened and deciding he no longer wanted to live as a man, he covered himself in feathers and transformed his spirit into a Glossy Ibis. His body was left behind as a memorial, taking the form of an iron pyrite outcrop in Barrukungga, or the place of hidden fire, in the town of Brukunga in the Mount Lofty Ranges.
The Mingka Bird – Little Bird who lived on Mount Barker and who announced the approach of visitors and the imminent death of a loved one
Tak:Oni – Little Spirit Men who would throw stones at campers at night if they strayed too far from the fire
Kadli-Umbo – The Wild Dog Rainbow whose colours can be seen in the waters of Kaiserstuhl Creek
Nurrunderi – The father of the Ngarrindjeri people
''Nganno the Giant''
Lands of the Peramangk

The territory of the various family groups identified as Peramangk extended in a crescent shape from Myponga across to Currency Creek, swinging north along the western ridge line of the Mount Lofty Ranges to Sandy Creek. The eastern boundary followed the eastern escarpment north to Mount Karinya, with the northern boundary following the south bank of the Gawler River. Access points to the River Murray could be found along Salt Creek to Mypolonga and Wall and in the North down the Marne River at Wongulla.
Post European arrival, the territory of the Peramangk shifted, as numbers dwindled, to include land from Clarendon west to Tungkillo and down along Salt Creek to Mypolonga, back in a narrow strip to Strathalbyn then south to Currency Creek, Bull Creek to Clarendon. The territory of the Peramangk people prior to European arrival followed clearly defined geographical boundaries and is confirmed by both art site locations, the Tjilbruke Songline, and interviews with survivors, recorded by Tindale in various journals.

Observations

90% of place names in the Mount Lofty Ranges relate to physical features within the landscape and what can be found there.
Several place names relate to food or water or tools, and the times of the year that they are in abundance, e.g., maitpalangga.
Other place names reflect both the major geographical feature of a place and also its physical state at certain times of the year, e.g., yertalungga.
5% of place names refer to song-lines or stories within the landscape, e.g., Barrukangga, Kadliumbo, Karikarinya.
Some place names refer to not only the major natural feature of the area but also the name of the family group which occupied the region e.g., Tarrawatta, Karrawatta.
Many places names are made up of two more words contracted together to create a new place name or an entirely new word. Teichelmann noted that this flexibility in both Kaurna and Peramangk languages allowed for the creation and pronunciation that was neither uniform nor consistent across family and culture groups.
The language of place names within the landscape shows a clear affinity with both Kaurna and Ngadjuri languages. That is consistent with Tindale's findings that Peramangk people shared both a language and culture with the other two peoples.
Place names within the landscape mark a clear boundary of Peramangk territory. That is consistent with Tindale's findings, and is reflected in the locations of art sites along the eastern escarpment, and the boundaries defined in the Tjilbruke and Nurrunderi song-lines.
There are clear dialectic differences between Peramangk and Kaurna place names, especially east and north east of Mount Barker.
Tindale noted that at two sites along the River Murray where Peramangk people had access to the River, Peramangk place names can be found, Maitangga, Maitpalangga, Tartangga, Taingappa.
The shift in Peramangk territorial boundaries recorded by Berndt reflects a shift in population and location of the traditional owners to areas between Manunka and Murray Bridge, across to Clarendon. The extension of Nanguruku lands into the Adelaide Hills further reflects the relocation of some Peramangk people to their relations along the River Murray, an area north of Manunka to Swan Reach.
The depopulation of areas originally inhabited, and the subsequent taking over of that territory by other more populous groups, is reflected in changing territorial boundaries, art styles, and places names. The landscape records the time of that change and the subsequent locations of the surviving populations.
Life stages

Women of the Karnumeru (Hill People)

Like the men, Peramangk women passed through various stages of life as they aged and became involved in the life of the clan. At large gatherings of several different family groups in the late spring and early summer, at about the time of the appearance of the Pleiades star group, the young women of the family began preparations for their coming initiation and travel to their new husbands lands.
Takanna: Prior to the onset of puberty, the young girls lived with their family and were raised by their uncles' wives and the Elder women of the family group into which they were born. During that time, they accompanied the women on their daily routines and were subject to few restrictions. In early infancy they were betrothed to much older men. Those arrangements were generally adhered to, unless circumstances necessitated a change, e.g. the death of the promised man. With the onset of puberty, the young girls underwent their first stage of initiation. Gathered together in a group away from the main camp, the young girls were first held down by senior male members of their family, one at the head, and one each holding down the arms and legs, they were then covered with a skin rug, whilst the Elder women of the family proceeded to pluck out all of their hair, except for their head. All the time reciting the ritual words that announced their passing into womanhood.
Similar in form to the boy's first initiation ceremonies, the young women were then covered in red ochre mixed with animal fat, and led away to live with Elder women in an unmarried women's camp, apart from the main camp, and out of sight of the young, unmarried men. There they learnt the secrets of their family. The Dreaming and Law that they needed to know were passed on to them, and they were then taken into the lands of her new husband. The totemic affiliations of the family also passed down the female line, so that any children she bore were also of the same totem group as their mother.
The young women generally left to live with their husbands at about the age of 12. Relatives nearer than cousins were not allowed to marry and the young women were generally married to much older men. They would often be the youngest of two or more wives, with some men having up to four. Once the marriage had been decided, the young woman would pick up her net bag containing the tools and objects she would need to start her new life, and head off to her husband's camp and thence to his family's lands.
Mangkarra: Upon reaching their husband's family group, the young women's education would continue under the guidance of the Elder women of her new family. They were then taught the more localized Dreaming, and Laws of their new family, as well as the skills and duties they would need to fit in with their new roles. Women rarely became mothers before the age of 16, but before then they would have to undergo their second initiation rite, that of the Mangkarra, or scarring of their shoulders. From that time on, the young woman was allowed to partake in all the activities of the family group as her education continued.
Tukkuparka: Once the young woman had undergone the Mangkarra ceremony she was known as a Tukkuparka. She held that title whilst she was still learning to be a wife and once she had given birth to her first child. Now that she was married, she was welcomed into the world of adult women. It was after the birth of her first child that she had her belly scarred and again after each subsequent birth.
Tukkupurlaitya: As a general rule, a woman who had only given birth to two children was only allowed limited access to secret knowledge. She did gain stories and ceremonies but learned only their general meaning and nature. Some of that lore was hers to own; others she shared just a part of. As she moved from one group into another, her Dreaming knowledge covered a much broader area, often outside of her birth country. Monarta of Echunga married John Mason Snr, whose country extended from Mount Barker, to Nairne, to Wall and Mypolonga.
Tukkuangki: If a mother of two or more children, a woman was introduced to the full knowledge of women's business. Her views of the landscape and responsibilities were shaped by her experiences and she could now participate in the initiation of other younger women. She became known as Tukkupartapartanna – a woman of knowledge. It was at that time that the woman would gain more scars upon her arms and chest. After giving birth to several children, the older women would often be married off to much younger men of about 25 years of age. Eventually, they were often replaced by much younger women who they had to initiate into the ways of the family group, as well as teaching the young men their responsibilities of being husbands and fathers.
Ngamma Ngamaitya: Stout, older woman with large breasts, these older women would have shoulders, arms, stomachs and chests covered with mangkamangkarrana scars, and would have full knowledge of the Dreaming and Laws they needed to pass onto the next generation of young women. They were often mothers and grandmothers to many children, and the secrets of their totemic affiliations were passed down the female line, guaranteeing their spread far beyond the birth country of the women. The Elder women would often begin their preparations in the spring with the appearance of the Seven Sisters constellation – Mangkamankarranna, seven young women gathering food on the Womma. Those seven young girls were promised wives but lived separately under the guidance of the Ngamma Ngamaitya.
The weddings of young women would usually take place in the late spring or early summer, at points distant from their home lands, because the various family groups gathered together in various places. Those gatherings of many different language and culture groups would comprise hundreds of people meeting in one place. The purposes of the gatherings were many: trade, settling of disputes, marriages, and the performance and exchanging of ceremonies, stories and law. The location of those "Rainbow Ceremonies" would rotate according to the time of the year, the location to be travelled to, the groups arriving, and a broader cycle that determined who would host the gathering, where and when.