January Uprising
The January Uprising was an insurrection against Russian imperial rule in the Congress Kingdom of Poland and adjacent lands of the former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Sparked by nationalist aspirations, political repressions, religious differences and opposition to conscription, it was organized by the clandestine Central National Committee and subsequently by the revolutionary Polish National Government. It began on 22 January 1863 and continued until the last insurgents were captured in 1864.
A confluence of factors rendered the uprising inevitable in early 1863. The Polish nobility and urban bourgeois circles longed for the relative sovereignty they had enjoyed in Congress Poland before the previous 1830 November insurgency. The youth, encouraged by the success of the Italian independence movement, urgently desired the same outcome. The Russian Empire had been weakened by the Crimean War and had introduced a more liberal attitude in its internal politics which encouraged Poland's underground National Government to plan an organised strike no earlier than the spring of 1863. In an attempt to derail the Polish national movement, Aleksander Wielopolski, head of civil administration, brought forward to January the conscription of young Polish activists into the Imperial Russian Army for 20-year service. The decision sparked the January Uprising of 1863, the very outcome that Wielopolski and his subordinates had wanted to avoid.
Unlike earlier uprisings, the January Uprising relied mainly on irregular guerrilla warfare. The small partisan groups were lightly armed and avoided large-scale battles. Although the insurgents showed determination and enjoyed sympathy from parts of the population, they were deficient in weapons, training, and international military support. Leadership of the uprising changed several times, with figures such as Romuald Traugutt attempting to unify and strengthen the resistance. However, disagreements between conservative landowners and radical reformers weakened coordination. The rebellion by young Polish conscripts was, nonetheless, aided by high-ranking Polish-Lithuanian officers and members of the political class. Tsar Alexander II curtailed wider support for the insurrection by abolishing serfdom in Poland in 1864, thus depriving Polish gentry and political leaders from their workforce and freeing the peasants from feudal obligation.
The aftermath of the January Uprising was severe; the Russian authorities imposed harsh reprisals including executions, mass deportations to Siberia, and confiscation of property. The remaining autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland was abolished, and the official use of the Polish language was restricted. Although the uprising failed militarily, it became a symbol of continuous resistance and shaped future independence movements. The ensuing breakup of estates and destitution of many peasants also convinced the population to turn to "organic work" and self-improvement, laying the foundations for modern social and economic development.
Background
Despite the Russian Empire's loss of the Crimean War and weakened economic and political state, Alexander II warned in 1856 against further concessions with the words "forget any dreams". There were two prevailing streams of thought among the population of the Kingdom of Poland. One had patriotic stirrings within liberal-conservative usually landed and intellectual circles, centered around Andrzej Zamoyski and hoped for an orderly return to the constitutional status before 1830; they became characterized as the Whites. The alternative tendency, characterized as the Reds, represented a democratic movement uniting peasants, workers and some clergy. For both streams central to their dilemma was the peasant question. However, estate owners tended to favour the abolition of serfdom in exchange for compensation, but the democratic movement saw the overthrow of the Russian yoke as entirely dependent on an unconditional liberation of the peasantry.Just as the democrats organized the first religious and patriotic demonstrations in 1860, covert resistance groups began to form among educated youth. Blood was first to shed in Warsaw in February 1861, when the Russian Army attacked a demonstration in Castle Square on the anniversary of the Battle of Grochów. There were five fatalities. Fearing the spread of spontaneous unrest, Alexander II reluctantly agreed to accept a petition for a change in the system of governance. Ultimately, he agreed to the appointment of Aleksander Wielopolski to head a commission to look into Religious Observance and Public Education and announced the formation of a State Council and self-governance for towns and powiats. The concessions did not prevent further demonstrations. On 8 April, there were 200 killed and 500 wounded by Russian fire. Martial law was imposed in Warsaw, and brutally-repressive measures were taken against the organisers in Warsaw and Vilna by deporting them deep into Russia.
In Vilna alone, 116 demonstrations were held in 1861. That autumn, Russians had introduced a state of emergency in Vilna Governorate, Kovno Governorate and Grodno Governorate.
The events led to a speedier consolidation of the resistance. Future leaders of the uprising gathered secretly in St. Petersburg, Warsaw, Vilna, Paris and London. Two bodies emerged from those consultations. By October 1861, the urban "Movement Committee" had been formed, followed in June 1862, by the Central National Committee. Its leadership included Stefan Bobrowski, Jarosław Dąbrowski, Zygmunt Padlewski, Agaton Giller and Bronisław Szwarce. The body directed the creation of national structures that were intended to become a new secret Polish state. The CNC had not planned an uprising before the spring of 1863 at the earliest. However, Wielopolski's move to start conscription to the Russian Army in mid-January forced its hand to call the uprising prematurely on the night of 22–23 January 1863.
Call to arms in the Kingdom of Poland
The uprising broke out at a moment when general peace prevailed in Europe, and although there was vociferous support for the Poles, powers such as France, Britain and Austria were unwilling to disturb the international calm. The revolutionary leaders did not have sufficient means to arm and equip the groups of young men hiding in forests to escape Alexander Wielopolski's order of conscription into the Russian Army. Initially, about 10,000 men rallied around the revolutionary banner. The volunteers came chiefly from city working classes and minor clerks, but there was also a significant number of the younger sons of the poorer szlachta and a number of priests of lower rank. Initially, the Russian government had at its disposal an army of 90,000 men, under Russian General Anders Edvard Ramsay, in Poland.It looked as if the rebellion might be crushed quickly. Undeterred, the CNC's provisional government issued a manifesto in which it declared "all sons of Poland are free and equal citizens without distinction of creed, condition or rank". It decreed that land cultivated by the peasants, whether on the basis of rent or service, should become their unconditional property, and compensation for it would be given to the landlords out of State general funds. The provisional government did its best to send supplies to the unarmed and scattered volunteers, who, in February, had fought in eighty bloody skirmishes with the Russians. Meanwhile, the CNC issued an appeal for assistance to the nations of Western Europe that was received everywhere with supportive sentiments from Norway to Portugal. The Confederate States of America sympathized with the Polish-Lithuanian rebels and viewed their struggles analogous. Italian, French and Hungarian officers answered the call. Pope Pius IX was against the 1863 uprising of which he informed Władysław Czartoryski. The historian Jerzy Zdrada records that by the late spring and the early summer of 1863, there were 35,000 Poles under arms facing a Russian Army of 145,000 in the Polish Kingdom.
Uprising spreads to Lithuania
On 1 February 1863, the uprising erupted in the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In April and May, it had spread to Dinaburg, Latvia and Witebsk, Belarus, to the Kiev Governorate, northern Ukraine, and to the Wolynian Voivodship. Volunteers, weapons and supplies began to flow in over the borders from Galicia, in the Austrian Partition, and from the Prussian Partition. Volunteers also arrived from Italy, Hungary, France and Russia itself. The greatest setback was that in spite of the liberation manifesto from the KCN, without prior ideological agitation, the peasantry could not be mobilized to participate in the struggle except in those regions that were dominated by Polish units, which saw a gradual enrollment into the uprising of agricultural workers.Secret State
The secret Polish state was directed by the Rada Narodowa to which the civil and military structures on the ground were accountable. It was a "virtual coalition government" formed of the Reds and the Whites and was led by Zygmunt Sierakowski, Antanas Mackevičius and Konstanty Kalinowski. The latter two supported their counterparts in Poland and adhered to common policies.Its diplomatic corps was centered on Paris under the direction of Władysław Czartoryski. The eruption of armed conflict in the former Commonwealth of Two Nations had surprised western European capitals, even if public opinion responded with sympathy for the rebel cause. It had dawned on Paris, London, Vienna and Saint Petersburg that the crisis could plausibly turn into an international war. For their part, Russian diplomats considered the uprising an internal matter, and European stability was generally predicated on the fate of Poland's aspiration.
International repercussions
The uncovering of the existence of the Alvensleben Convention, signed on 8 February 1863 by Prussia and Russia in St. Petersburg, to suppress the Poles jointly, internationalized the uprising. It enabled Western powers to take the diplomatic initiative for their own ends. Napoleon III of France, already a sympathizer with Poland, was concerned to protect his border on the Rhine and turned his political guns on Prussia with a view to provoking a war with it. He was simultaneously seeking an alliance with Austria. The United Kingdom, on the other hand, sought to prevent a Franco-Prussian war and to block an Austrian alliance with France and so looked to scupper any rapprochement between France and Russia. Austria was competing with Prussia for the leadership of the German territories but rejected French approaches for an alliance and spurned any support of Napoleon III as acting against German interests. There was no discussion of military intervention on behalf of the Poles, despite Napoleon's support for the continuation of the insurgency. France, the United Kingdom and Austria agreed to a diplomatic intervention in defense of Polish rights and in April issued diplomatic notes that were intended to be no more than persuasive in tone. The Polish RN hoped that the evolution of the insurgency would ultimately push western powers to adopt an armed intervention, which was the flavour of Polish diplomatic talks with those powers. The Polish line was that the establishment of continued peace in Europe was conditional on the return of an independent Polish state.With the threat of war averted, St. Petersburg left the door open for negotiations but was adamant in its rejection of any western rights to armed conflict. In June 1863, western powers iterated the conditions: an amnesty for the insurgents, the creation of a national representative structure, the development of autonomous concessions across the Kingdom, a recall of a conference of Congress of Vienna signatories and a ceasefire for its duration. That fell well below the expectations of the leadership of the uprising. While concerned by the threat of war, Alexander II felt secure enough with the support of his people to reject the proposals. Although France and Britain were insulted, they did not proceed with further interventions, which enabled Russia to extend and finally to break off negotiations in September 1863.