Rajput
Rājpūt, also called Thākur, is a large multi-component cluster of castes, kin bodies, and local groups, sharing social status and ideology of genealogical descent originating from the northern part of the Indian subcontinent. However, the derivation from rājaputra is misleading because although many Rajputs belonged to some ruling clans, the majority of the Rajput community were common agricultural laborers whose main source of income was farming. The term Rajput covers various patrilineal clans historically associated with warriorhood: several clans claim Rajput status, although not all claims are universally accepted. According to modern scholars, almost all Rajput clans originated from peasant or pastoral communities.
Over time, the Rajputs emerged as a social class comprising people from a variety of ethnic and geographical backgrounds. From the 12th to 16th centuries, the membership of this class became largely hereditary, although new claims to Rajput status continued to be made in later centuries. Several Rajput-ruled kingdoms played a significant role in many regions of central and northern India from the seventh century onwards.
The Rajput population and the former Rajput states are found in northern, western, central and eastern India, as well as southern and eastern Pakistan. These areas include Rajasthan, Delhi, Haryana, Gujarat, Eastern Punjab, Western Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu, Uttarakhand, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Sindh and Azad Kashmir.
In terms of religious affiliation, in 1988 it was estimated that out of a total Rajput population of roughly 38 million in the Indian subcontinent, the majority, 30 million were Hindus, nearly 8 million were followers of Islam while slightly less than 200,000 were Sikhs.
Etymology and early references
''Rājaputra''
The word Rājaputra finds mention in some ancient Hindu scriptures like the Rigveda, Ramayana and Mahabharata. According to Sabita Singh, the word first appears in a sense other than its literal meaning in the 7th century Bakhshali manuscript from NWFP in reference to a mercenary soldier, while in the 8th century Chachnama of Sindh, it is used for elite horsemen. A late 11th century inscription from Mount Abu talks of "all the rājaputras of the illustrious Rājaputra clan". In Kalhana's Rājatarangiṇī, the rājaputras appear as mercenary soldiers claiming high status on account of birth. An inscription from Chittor mentions three generations of rājaputras.B.D Chattopadhyay says that according to the references to rajputras in medieval and early medieval sources, they represent a mixed caste that constituted a large section of "petty chiefs holding estates".
Thus, the Rajputra covers all levels from the actual son of a king to the lowest level landholder. The term is used for a prince under the Chahamanas but for the lowest ranking "fief" holder under the Chalukyas. According to some scholars, the term rajputra was reserved for the immediate relatives of a king; scholars like BD Chattopadhyay believe that it was used for a larger group of high-ranking men.
''Thakur''
According to B.D Chattopadhyay, from 700 CE, north India's political and military landscape was dominated by large Kshatriya landowners called thakurs, some of whom were descended from pastoral tribes and central Asian invaders; they later came to be known as Rajputs. Andre Wink notes that the military nobility of Sindh ruler Dahir to which the Chachnama and Al-Baladhuri refer as thakurs can be seen as Rajputs in the original sense of the word.''Rajput''
The term rajput is derived from the Sanskrit word rājaputra.Its literal meaning is "son of a king". However, the meaning cannot be applied literally to the community because most of the Rajputs were common agricultural laborers although some were members of the ruling clans.
The term finds mention in Vidyapati's Kīrtilatā among castes inhabiting the Jaunpur city.
According to modern scholars, the word "rajput" meant 'horse soldier', 'trooper', 'headman of a village' or 'subordinate chief' before the 15th century. Individuals or groups with whom the word "rajput" was associated are generally considered varna–samkara and inferior to Kshatriya.
B.D Metcalf and T.R Metcalf write that under the Mughals, the term had become the mark of legitimate kshatriya rule.
Origin and Varna
The origin of the Rajputs has been a much-debated topic among historians. Historian Satish Chandra states: "Modern historians are more or less agreed that the Rajputs consisted of miscellaneous groups including Shudra and tribals. Some were Brahmans who took to warfare, and some were from Tribes- indigenous or foreign". Thus, the Rajput community formation was a result of political factors that influenced caste mobility, called Sanskritization by some scholars and Rajputization by others. Modern scholars agree that nearly all Rajputs clans originated from peasant or pastoral communities.Alf Hiltebeitel discusses three theories by Raj era and early writers for Rajput origin and gives the reasons as to why these theories are dismissed by modern research. British colonial-era writers characterised Rajputs as descendants of the foreign invaders such as the Scythians or the Hunas, and believed that the Agnikula myth was invented to conceal their foreign origin. According to this theory, the Rajputs originated when these invaders were assimilated into the Kshatriya category during the 6th or 7th century, following the collapse of the Gupta Empire. While many of these colonial writers propagated this foreign-origin theory in order to legitimise the colonial rule, the theory was also supported by some Indian scholars, such as D. R. Bhandarkar. The second theory was promulgated by C.V. Vaidya who believed in the Aryan invasion theory and that the entire 9th-10th century Indian populace was composed of only one race - the Aryans who had not yet mixed with the Shudras or Dravidians. Nationalist historians Vaidya and R.B. Singh write that the Rajputs had originated from the Vedic Aryan Kshatriyas of the epics - Ramayana and Mahabharata. Vaidya bases this theory on certain attributes - such as bravery and "physical strength" of Draupadi and Kausalya and the bravery of the Rajputs. However, Hiltebeitel says that such "affinities do not point to an unbroken continuity between an ancient epic period" in the Vedic period and the "great Rajput tradition" that started in sixteenth-century Rajasthan instead "raise the question of similarities between the epics' allusions to Vedic Vratya warbands and earlier medieval low status Rajput clans". Hiltebeitel concludes that such attempts to trace Rajputs from epic and Vedic sources are "unconvincing" and cites Nancy MacLean and B.D. Chattopadhyaya to label Vaidya's historiography on Rajputs as "often hopeless". A third group of historians, which includes Jai Narayan Asopa, theorised that the Rajputs were Brahmins who became rulers. However, such "one track arguments" and "contrived evidence" such as shape of the head, cultural stereotypes, etc. are dismissed by Hiltebeitel who refers to such claims and Asopa's epic references as "far-fetched" or "unintelligible".
Recent research suggests that the Rajputs came from a variety of ethnic and geographical backgrounds and various varnas. According to Norman Ziegler, the groups and individuals that rose to power in North India after Muslim invasions were no longer considered Kshatriyas although they performed similar functions; the fact that they had emerged from the lower rungs of the caste system are documented in the Rajput chronicles themselves.
André Wink states that some Rajputs may be Jats by origin. Tanuja Kothiyal states: "In the colonial ethnographic accounts rather than referring to Rajputs as having emerged from other communities, Bhils, Mers, Minas, Gujars, Jats, Raikas, all lay a claim to a Rajput past from where they claim to have 'fallen'. Historical processes, however, suggest just the opposite". She points to the fact that "both Rajputs and Jats appear to originate from the mobile cattle rearing and rustling groups", hence it is understandable that they refer to each other in their chronicles, although they try to remain distinct. However, since Rajputs dominated the region, they were portrayed as "warriors" as opposed to Jats who were portrayed as "farmers", thus wiping out "Jat kingship" from the historiography. Christopher Bayly writes that the ruling dynasties among the Rajputs, Jats and Maratha, that arose when the Islamic cultural influence diminished, mostly originated from peasant of nomadic castes, but they performed rituals such as Śrāddha by employing high status Brahmins. These communities hoped that such rituals would enable them to make a Kshatriya claim.
According to scholars, in medieval times "the political units of India were probably ruled most often by men of very low birth" and this "may be equally applicable for many clans of 'Rajputs' in northern India". Burton Stein explains that this process of allowing rulers, frequently of low social origin, a "clean" rank via social mobility in the Hindu Varna system serves as one of the explanations of the longevity of the unique Indian civilisation.
Historian Janet Tiwary Kamphorst mentions the medieval tales on Pabuji depicting Rajput, Charan, Bhil and Rabari warriors fighting side by side as well as other medieval and contemporary texts show claims made by Nomadic tribes of the Thar desert to a higher rank in the society. Thus, she says that it is said that "formerly all Rajputs were once Maldhari or vice-versa, it is asserted that all nomadic peoples have Rajput ansa in their veins".
Gradually, the term Rajput came to denote a social class, which was formed when the various tribal and nomadic groups became landed aristocrats, and transformed into the ruling class. These groups assumed the title "Rajput" as part of their claim to higher social positions and ranks. The early medieval literature suggests that this newly formed Rajput class comprised people from multiple castes. Thus, the Rajput identity is not the result of a shared ancestry. Rather, it emerged when different social groups of medieval India sought to legitimise their newly acquired political power by claiming Kshatriya status. These groups started identifying as Rajput at different times, in different ways. Thus, modern scholars summarise that Rajputs were a "group of open status" since the eighth century, mostly illiterate warriors who claimed to be reincarnates of ancient Indian Kshatriyas – a claim that had no historical basis. Moreover, this unfounded Kshatriya status claim showed a sharp contrast to the classical varna of Kshatriyas as depicted in Hindu literature in which Kshatriyas are depicted as an educated and urbanite clan. Historian Thomas R. Metcalf mentions the opinion of Indian scholar K. M. Panikkar who also considers the famous Rajput dynasties of medieval India to have come from non-Kshatriya castes.
Historian Kapur writes that "divergent social groups got incorporated in the new socio-political fold of rajputras including Shudras. That’s why the Brihaddharma Purana regarded rajputras as a mixed caste and Shudra-kamalakara equates the Rajputs with ugra, a mixed caste born of the union of a Kshatriya man and a Shudra woman" In Sudrakamalakara, the Sanskrit term rajapūta has been compared with ugra - "a mixed caste born out of the union of a Kshatriya man and a Shudra woman. This makes rajapūta a "sankarajāti" ie equivalent to shudras. Ananya Vajpeyi argues that rajapūta has a different meaning from Rājpūt in realpolitik. With an unhistorical meaning, even if the dharmashastras attempt to fix the place of a jati like 'rajapūta' close to shudra, the socio-historical type 'Rājpūt' always gravitates to the Kshatriya varna, which makes the lexical similarity between the two words semantically misleading.
In past, the Rajputs made fanatical attempts to assert their Kshatriya status which differentiate them from other communities. Dipankar Gupta says that the reason that originally low castes, such as Rajput, who had a shudra status in the early medieval era, have been enabled to claim Kshatriya status in modern times is due to political power. He also says that Rajputs, Jats, Marathas - all claim Kshatriya status but do not accept each other's claim. There is no agreement on who is a true kshatriya caste.
Stewart Gordon writes that during the era of the Mughal empire, hypergamous marriage "marrying up", combined with service in the state army was another way a tribal family could "become" Rajput. This process required a change in dress, diet, worship, and other traditions, ending widow remarriage, for example. Such a marriage between someone from a tribal family, and a member of an acknowledged - but possibly poor - Rajput family, would ultimately enable the non-Rajput family to transform themselves to Rajput. This marriage pattern supports the fact that Rajput was an "open caste category", available to those who served the Mughals. Badri Narayan has written in his paper on mobility of the Dalit castes, that some Pasis that married their daughters to Rajput men, were able to become part of the Rajput community themselves.
Rajput formation continued in the colonial era. Even in the 19th century, anyone from the "village landlord" to the "newly wealthy lower caste Shudra" could employ Brahmins to retrospectively fabricate a genealogy and within a couple of generations they would gain acceptance as Hindu Rajputs. This process would get mirrored by communities in north India. This process of origin of the Rajput community resulted in hypergamy as well as female infanticide that was common in Hindu Rajput clans. Scholars refer to this as "Rajputisation", which, like Sanskritisation, was a mode for upward mobility, but it differed from Sanskritisation in other attributes, like the method of worship, lifestyle, diet, social interaction, rules for women, and marriage, etc. German historian Hermann Kulke has coined the term "Secondary Rajputisation" for describing the process of members of a tribe trying to re-associate themselves with the former chief of their tribe who had already transformed himself into a Rajput via Rajputisation and thus become Rajputs themselves.