Qatari soft power
has been noted for its ability to use soft power to achieve its objectives by influencing other actor's choices and populations’ views towards it. Qatar's soft power is mostly manifested by Qatar's extensive sports and media network through government owned intermediaries such as Qatar Sports Investment, Al Jazeera, Qatar Airways, which critics argue serve in part to divert attention from Qatar's human rights violations, discrimination against the LGBT community and sponsorship of non-state militant groups. In 2026 it was revealed that Qatar influenced Wikipedia by using a PR company.
Overview
is a sovereign state on the north eastern coast of the Arabian peninsula. It has been ruled as an absolute monarchy since gaining independence in 1971, and since the 1980s it has seen a drive towards modernisation and integration, with large infrastructure projects. These are funded by fossil fuel revenues, as the state has one of the highest GDPs in the world, following discovery of offshore oil and gas fields in the 1960s. This has led to three drivers of Qatari foreign policy, as identified by academics. Firstly, Qatar is seeking to enhance its global presence to increase its security in the region. Secondly it is developing tourism, and thirdly it has undertaken a pursuit of international soft power, seeking to become a mediator in the region.Qatar's political influence is partly due to its relationships with various nations and groups. Al Udeid Air Base, hosting the US Central Command, is a key element of Qatar's strategic partnerships. Despite its ties with the West, Qatar also maintains relations with Iran, the Taliban, Al Qaeda, Hamas, and the Muslim Brotherhood, positioning itself as a mediator in regional conflicts.
In 2017 the Qatar diplomatic crisis saw the rapid deterioration of ties between Qatar and the Arab League. A blockade ensued led by a coalition of states headed by Saudi Arabia. They cited Qatar's alleged support for terrorism as the main reason for their actions, claiming Qatar had violated a 2014 agreement with the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, of which Qatar is a member. Evidence emerged that the crisis had been orchestrated by the United Arab Emirates, and the blockade was lifted in 2021. Against this backdrop, Qatar sought to nest its power relationships and further develop a strategy of soft power.
The 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar was accused of being "sportswashing," using sports events to improve a country's image. Qatar faced criticism for its alleged mistreatment of migrant workers and was accused of using the World Cup to divert attention from these issues. Qatar's investments in sports extend beyond the World Cup, with significant stakes in football clubs and sports broadcasting.
Education
Qatar has sought to extend its soft power through educational performance. In 1997 it created the Education City campus, spanning some 14 square kilometres. The prestige of this was strengthened through educational links with universities in the US and the United Kingdom. Overseas branches of these institutions are hosted in the Education city.As of 2023, Qatar was the largest foreign donor to US universities, having donated between 2001 and 2021 US$4.7 billion in open donations. Some of these schools are considered amongst the most prestigious in the US and include Ivy league universities.
Qatar Foundation
The Qatar Foundation for Education, Science and Community Development, founded in 1995 by then-Emir Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani and Moza bint Nasser Al-Missned, is a prominent state-led and owned non-profit in Qatar. Its focus lies in promoting education, science, research, and community development. The foundation has actively engaged numerous international universities to set up campuses in Qatar and has ventured into commercial investments as well. While its efforts are seen as influential in various sectors, critics have described its activities as akin to influence peddling or lobbying. The Qatar Foundation, which was established as a non-profit in 1995, later rebranded as a "private institution for public benefit," allowing it to present itself as a private entity free from governmental restrictions while remaining under the Emir of Qatar's ownership, thus enabling the state to disguise state funding as private sector contributions.Among its educational achievements, the foundation has established multiple Qatar Academy branches, the Awsaj Academy for students with learning challenges, and the Academic Bridge Program, which offers post-secondary educational opportunities. Additionally, it partnered with the RAND Corporation to operate the RAND-Qatar Policy Institute from 2003 to 2013.
The Qatar Foundation assisted in the establishment branches of eight international and one local university near Doha since 1998. These include Virginia Commonwealth University, Weill Cornell Medicine-Qatar, Texas A&M University at Qatar, Carnegie Mellon University Qatar, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar, Northwestern University in Qatar, and Hamad Bin Khalifa University. HEC Paris in Qatar launched the country's first EMBA in 2011, and University College London Qatar operated from 2011 to 2020. The foundation's substantial donations to these universities have raised concerns and prompted investigations by the US Education Department.
In addition to its educational ventures, the Qatar Foundation sponsors the World Innovation Summit for Education, an annual event in Doha since 2009. The universities on its campus run various research programs and collaborate with QF's applied research bodies. QF also maintains partnerships with the Royal Society and the James Baker Institute at Rice University.
Institutes
The Brookings Institution in Washington received financial support from Qatar, notably a $14.8 million grant in 2013 for the Brookings Doha Center. While another grant in 2017 followed, its exact amount remains undisclosed, as Brookings does not specify foreign contributions. In 2021, Brookings ended its association with the Doha Center, shifting focus to "digital and global engagement." The closure coincided with an FBI investigation into former Brooking's president John Allen, who left amid revelations of unregistered lobbying for Qatar. Allen had advocated against the Saudi-led blockade of Qatar during his tenure. The Justice Department closed the investigation in January 2022 without pressing charges.Other think tanks, such as the Stimson Center, have received Qatari funding, as revealed in a 2020 report from the Center for International Policy.
Sports
Qatar Sports Investment
Founded in 2005 and based in Doha, Qatar Sports Investments is a closed shareholding organization believed to be owned by Qatar's finance ministry and the Qatar Olympic Committee. As a subsidiary of the Qatar Investment Authority, QSI reinvests its revenues into Qatar's sports, leisure, and entertainment sectors. Led by Chairman Nasser Al-Khelaifi and Vice Chairman Adel Mohammed Tayyeb Mustafawi, QSI has expanded its influence in international sports, notably acquiring Paris Saint-Germain in 2011 and becoming its sole owner by 2012. Additionally, its portfolio includes Burrda, a sports brand, and NextStep Marketing. In October 2022, QSI bought a 21.67% stake in S.C. Braga for €80 million and expressed interest in acquiring West Ham United in early 2023. In 2023, QSI also ventured into padel by acquiring the World Padel Tour to establish a new global circuit starting in 2024.2022 FIFA World Cup
The 2022 World Cup in Qatar was marked by substantial investments in infrastructure, including new transit systems, upscale accommodations, and upgraded facilities. The Qatari government aimed to showcase its economic and technological advancements, using the event as a platform to attract millions of visitors and captivate billions of viewers worldwide.One week after Qatar won the bid to host the 2022 FIFA tournament, the Qatar Foundation, Qatar's development nonprofit, carried out a $220 million deal to sponsor FC Barcelona's kits. Within six months, an entity of Qatar's sovereign wealth fund, the Qatar Investment Authority, invested up to $58 million to acquire ownership of the French club Paris Saint-Germain. Shortly afterwards, Qatar's media conglomerate, Al Jazeera, spent $130 million to secure broadcasting rights for top-tier Ligue 1 matches in French households. These initiatives have continued to gain momentum in the subsequent years, with renowned players like Lionel Messi, Neymar, and Kylian Mbappé sporting shirts featuring a logo of Qatar Airways, owned by the Qatari government. Qatar, in anticipation of potential criticism is said to have offered fans incentives to attend the World Cup, whilst requiring them to participate in choreographed performances and report any criticism on social media.
Other sports
has invested heavily in clubs, competitions, and confederations across six continents in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. Qatar has been criticized as employing modern sportswashing focuses on engaging foreign audiences on their home turf unlike historical approaches that relied on staging events. Qatar utilized diverse channels such as commentary, commerce, and community involvement, aligning with football's value chain to connect with global audiences. Qatar is said to collaborate with intermediaries, including state-owned enterprises and government-organized NGOs, to secure multimillion-dollar deals globally.According to the Journal of Democracy the two main types of intermediaries are state-owned enterprises such as QSI and beIN Sports, and non-governmental organizations organized by the government, like the Qatar Foundation. These intermediaries according to the Journal of Democracy, leverage the flexibility of globalization's regulatory landscape, turning sports investments into profitable ventures that contribute to Qatar's economic diversification beyond its reliance on oil and gas. Financial gains are not the sole rewards of sportswashing; there are also reputational benefits. Sportswashing which is said to involve the leveraging of sports' bankability to misinform and manipulate global audiences. Critics argued that Influencers, using the example of celebrity athlete David Beckham, Qatar's world cup ambassador, in 2019, may share testimonials praising certain aspects of a country, such as Qatar's World Cup facilities, to advance favorable narratives.
However, these references may contradict reports of migrant exploitation, including wage discrimination and passport confiscation, revealing discrepancies. Another aspect of Qatar's alleged sportswashing involved the use of sports to displace damaging content. In these cases, emerging sports stories act as smokescreen in order overshadow other events. Critics argue that with each World Cup milestone, audiences become less aware and concerned about the state's misdeeds. Yet, a study analyzing British newspapers found overwhelmingly negative coverage of Qatar's World Cup, suggesting that the event has not displaced damaging content as much as observers might believe. The critics argue that Qatari efforts to shape foreign media coverage of its tournament have included updated permit terms for international film crews and restricting recording at certain locations. However, this control may trigger the "Olympic catch-22," where sporting events spotlight the unflattering side of closed societies. A Sunday Times report found that an Indian criminal network was hired by Qatar to hack into the emails of prominent critics of Qatar's World Cup. Critics in contrast have also suggested that these techniques are not as effective as thought by some.