Netto-uyoku


Netto-uyoku or net uyoku, often shortened to neto-uyo, is a term used to refer to Japanese people who espouse ultranationalist and far-right views online. It shares similarities with right-wing populist and alt-right ideologies found in the West, and is considered a precursor to the latter.

Origins

Japan's "cyber nationalist phenomenon" can be traced back from the 1990s during the Lost Decades, when significant socioeconomic changes from the bubble asset led to general distrust and decline of national morale within Japanese society.
Nationalism would become more prominent in the early 2000s when North Korea officially admitted to abducting Japanese citizens and the introduction of the Korean Wave in Japan. In an attempt to lash out from the constant frustration, social anxiety, and distrust on national coverages from the mainstream media, netizens displaced their xenophobic and ultranationalistic attitudes through online bulletin boards and forums.
The ICT director, Kazuki Yokota, explains that the term "Netto-Uyo" is a coined word that combines "net" from the internet and "right-wing", and that it is not limited to people who advocate for right-wing ideologies. It often includes individuals who are aggressive in their online comments towards opinions that oppose their own beliefs, particularly those who make discriminatory remarks against certain countries or races, or criticize newspaper editorials, articles, and TV broadcasts in a radical or defamatory manner on message boards and blogs. However, he also notes that "there is no clear definition of Netto-Uyo".
According to journalist Go Watanabe, the term refers to people who express extreme views like xenophobia on the internet. Sociologist Daisuke Tsuji states that while there is no strict definition, the term generally refers to users who make conservative and xenophobic posts or disseminate information, and that some distinguish between "Netto-Koshi" and "Netto-Uyo," particularly when the xenophobic tendencies are less pronounced. Koichi Yasuda remarks that people who promote "patriotism", "anti-Korean," "anti-China," and "anti-leftist" views through online forums are generally referred to as Netto-Uyo.
While the term is often used with negative connotations, Hiroyuki Seto actively identifies as a "Netto-Uyo", and activist Makoto Sakurai has used it as the title of his book. Similarly, Kobe City Council member Yuji Okada has stated, "I am a Netto-Uyo. I take pride in being a Netto-Uyo. I'm not particularly right-wing or left-wing, nor do I call myself a conservative. I'm just a Netto-Uyo". Thus, some individuals embrace the term "Netto-Uyo" themselves, and its interpretation varies widely.
According to Daisuke Tsuji, the term "Netto-Uyo" spread as an internet slang around the year 2000, and according to Masaki Ito, the terms "Netto-Uyo" or "Netto-Uyo" became widely used in the mid-2000s. Additionally, Masami Shiba states that the phenomenon of "Netto-Uyo" emerged in the early 2000s, around the same time that internet communication through anonymous message boards like 2channel began to spread. Furthermore, Kunio Suzuki notes that the term "Netto-Uyo" had become common by at least the 2000s.
According to Toshinao Sasaki, when people with left-wing or anti-Japanese views make statements on internet message boards or blogs, they often face a storm of critical comments. Left-wing individuals, frustrated by this, began to protest, claiming that organized Netto-Uyo groups were carrying out coordinated disruptive actions. This is considered the origin of the term. In an Asahi Shimbun article titled "The Structure of Shrinking," it is noted that the term "Netto-Uyo" had been used on the internet for several years, referring to people who repeatedly post or comment on ideas that oppose their own. Since most of these opinions are based on right-wing ideologies, they came to be called "Netto-Uyo".
Yoshihiko Inagaki listed "Netto-Uyo" in the "Word Watch" section of Contemporary Words and Basic Knowledge 2011.
The earliest confirmed use of the term "Netto-Uyo" dates back to April 29, 1999, in a post introducing the newly formed Netto-Uyo group Tetsusenkai, which is slightly earlier than the establishment of 2channel.

Views

The netto-uyoku have viewpoints that are emboldened via interacting with other people who share the same perspective.
They generally express support for historically revisionist views that portray the former Empire of Japan in a positive light, while maintaining negative sentiments towards countries that have diplomatic tensions with Japan, specifically North and South Korea, China, Russia and sometimes the United States of America. Netto-uyoku express hostility towards the local immigrants and ethnic minorities associated with those countries, and also promote patriotism within Japanese schools by advocating the requirement for students to sing the national anthem before class.
Domestically, the netto-uyoku express criticisms against the left-wing parties and the Japanese mainstream media, which they accuse of having a liberal bias.

Views on Net Right-Wing

Naoshi Kōgami describes the Net Right-Wing as seeking to maintain or restore the "good old Japan". Kōgami's idea of "good old Japan" refers not to militarism but to the communal ties that existed before the dissolution of traditional local communities.
According to Kei Horiya, the Net Right-Wing not only opposes left-wing media but frequently uses terms like "awakening". In this view, they believe that they were once "brainwashed" by the media, accepting a "false historical perspective", but eventually "woke up" to the "truth". This perspective mirrors the storyline of protagonists "awakening" from a "deceptive" world and fighting a "true enemy", much like in the sci-fi movie The Matrix. Horiya calls this worldview the "Matrix History". Furthermore, Horiya argues that the Net Right-Wing is damaging Japanese businesses and the economy as a whole.
Tomofumi Hamano views the rise of the Net Right-Wing as a consequence of the failure of leftist ideologies to resolve societal dissatisfaction after the Cold War.
Mitsuru Kurayama and Terumi Yoshida define those who defame figures like Emperor Emeritus Akihito as Net Right-Wing, considering such actions as insults rather than critiques.
A person arrested for sending abusive messages to Princess Mako expressed strong sympathies with the Zaitokukai and attacked the Asahi Shimbun over the comfort women issue. Investigators labeled this individual as a "typical Net Right-Wing".
Kurayama argues that historically, individuals who identify as conservative or right-wing never defamed the imperial family in this manner, and thus, the Net Right-Wing has faced criticism from traditional conservative factions.
Ichirō Yamamoto attributes the rise of Net Right-Wing individuals to those who feel inferior about their career, academic background, or family and instead take pride in their nationality or being Japanese. He compares them to those involved in Japan's Meiji Restoration's anti-foreign movements.

Zaitokukai and the Net Right-Wing

Kōichi Yasuda describes the Zaitokukai as the "street version of the Net Right-Wing" and asserts that the Zaitokukai would not exist without the "resource" of the Net Right-Wing. Akira Fujio explains that the Zaitokukai is known for organizing demonstrations and meetings where online Net Right-Wing individuals, prompted by posts on internet forums, gather to participate.
Takahiro Mitsuhashi and Kei Horiya argue that Zaitokukai should not be considered Net Right-Wing but rather "Real Right-Wing".

Statistics

Japanese critic and writer Tsunehira Furuya describes the netto uyoku as a "new breed of neo-nationalists who interact almost entirely within their own cyber community, shut off from the rest of society". According to Furuya, "the average age of Japan's Internet right-wingers is around 40. Some 75% of them are male", and adds that although active on the web, they lack institutional political representation offline. This leads them to be more active online, in order to back the far-right elements of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, especially those under the administration of former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.

Daisuke Tsuji's study on right-wing shift

Daisuke Tsuji, in a 2007 survey of internet users aged 20–44, identified those who met the following three conditions as part of the "net right-wing" group: Responding with "not very" or "not at all" when asked about their affinity for either South Korea or China, Responding with "agree" or "somewhat agree" to all five items: "official visits to the Yasukuni Shrine by the Prime Minister or Ministers," "amendment of Article 9, Section 1 of the Constitution," "amendment of Article 9, Section 2 of the Constitution," "raising the national flag and singing the national anthem at elementary and junior high school ceremonies", and "patriotism education in elementary and junior high schools", Responding affirmatively to at least one of the following three items: "I have written my opinions or thoughts on my own homepage about political or social issues," "I have commented on someone else's blog about political or social issues," or "I have participated in debates on electronic bulletin boards or mailing lists." These individuals were estimated to make up less than 1% of the entire internet user population and were further estimated to constitute less than 1% of the total internet user population based on this criterion.
According to a survey of 998 internet users conducted by Tsuji, he found that "use of 2chan, in particular, is associated with exclusionary nationalism, and using 2chan is significantly linked to a tolerant attitude toward malicious comments and online outrage". He also defined the so-called "net right-wing" as those who actively use blogs and electronic bulletin boards to share information and who fit all three of the following criteria: "feel no affinity for either 'South Korea' or 'China'," "agree with official visits to Yasukuni Shrine, constitutional amendments, etc.," and "engage in writing or debates about political and social issues online". His study revealed that this group tends to be active in "real" activities like petitions, letters to the editor, fundraising, and attending rallies. Tsuji concludes that "the 'net right-wing' is not just an internet phenomenon but is connected to 'real' world activities, and it may be more appropriate to view this as the emergence of latent 'right-wing' elements on the internet, which had been less visible before".
Moreover, Tsuji notes that the general "right-wing" tendencies, such as patriotism and nationalist sentiment, do not necessarily correlate with anti-Korean or anti-Chinese attitudes. Factors such as national pride, political or cultural pride, and patriotism are positively correlated with greater affinity for South Korea and China, as well as more positive evaluations of immigrants. These factors also correlate with greater trust in others, more friends, and lower feelings of loneliness. In contrast to general "right-wing" tendencies, the net right-wing group exhibits characteristics such as fewer neighbors with whom they interact, less trust in others, more loneliness in interpersonal relationships, and a stronger sense of exclusion towards outsiders, particularly South Korea and China, as well as a negative view of immigrants. Tsuji concludes that the net right-wing group occupies a distinct position within the broader correlation structure of "right-wing" factors, and it is difficult to consider them as representative of general "right-wing" tendencies. Instead, he notes that patriotism and anti-Korean/anti-Chinese sentiment are often integrated within this group. In his survey, 36.8% felt no affinity for either South Korea or China, 6.4% supported official visits to Yasukuni Shrine and constitutional amendments, and 15.2% had engaged in online writing or debates about political or social issues. The net right-wing group, meeting all three criteria, represented 1.3%. Given that the sample included many heavy internet users, Tsuji estimated that the percentage in the general internet user population was below 1%.