Navvab Safavi


Mojtaba Mir-Lohi, better known as Navvab Safavi, was an Iranian Twelver Shi'i cleric and dissident who founded the Fada'iyan-e Islam group. He played a role in assassinations of Iranian prime ministers Abdolhossein Hazhir, Haj Ali Razmara and intellectual Ahmad Kasravi. On 22 November 1955, after an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate the prime minister of Iran, Hossein Ala', Safavi and some of his followers were arrested. In January 1956, Safavi and three other members of Fada'iyan-e Islam were sentenced to death and executed.

Early life

Born in Ghaniabad, south of Tehran into a well-known religious family on 9 October 1924, he received his primary education in Tehran and left school after eighth grade when his father died. His father, Javad Mir-Lohi, was a cleric who spent many years in jail for having slapped Reza Shah's minister of justice, Ali Akbar Davar, in the face, and thus the young Navvab was raised by his maternal uncle, Mahmood Navvab Safavi, whose name he eventually adopted. It was said that "the family name was changed to Navvab Safavi to identify with the famous Shi'ite dynasty of the Safavids, who made Shi'ism the state religion of Iran in sixteenth century." Seyed Mojtaba entered Hakim Nezami Primary School at the age of 7 and then continued his education at the German Industrial School. At the same time, he was studying religious lessons in one of the mosques in Khani Abad. After Reza Shah abdicated and left the country, he turned to political activities. He staged a demonstration against the prohibition of hijab in the same school when he was not more than 18 years old. It was his first struggle against the Pahlavi government.
Growing up during this period of militant secularization, after working in Abadan's petroleum installations in Khuzestan Province for a few months for the British-owned Iranian Oil Company. A British oil company expert severely confronted one of the workers, after which Navvab provoked the workers to protest and carry out retaliation. The protests were suppressed with the intervention of police and military forces. Navvab also escaped and left Abadan for Basra and then Najaf in Iraq by boat at night. He decided, to pursue religious studies at Najaf in 1943. Mojtaba stayed at the Ghavam School in Najaf and from the very first days began a friendship and close relationship with Abdul Hosein Amini, who had established a library in one of the upper rooms of the school and was writing his famous work, Al-Ghadir.
He learned jurisprudence, principles and interpretation from masters such as Abdolhossein Amini, Hossein Qomi and Agha Sheikh Mohammad Tehrani. He is said to have been known for his striking looks and his "mesmerizing" speaking ability, and compared his own charisma and magnetism over the masses to that of Hasan-i Sabbah, the leader of the Assassins.

Career

Safavi founded the Fada'iyan-e Islam organization in 1945, and began recruiting like-minded individuals. Like the Muslim Brotherhood, a group he was in deep connection with and even met Sayyid Qutb later in 1953. Navvab Safavi believed that Islamic society needed to be purified. To this end, he organized carefully planned assassinations of politicians and people related to them.
Amir Taheri claims that Safavi was "the man who introduced Khomeini to the Muslim Brotherhood and their ideas," who "spent long hours together" with Khomeini in discussion, and visited him in Qom on a number of occasions during 1943 and 1944.
He and his organization were responsible for the attempted and actual assassinations of politicians Abdolhossein Hazhir, Hossein Ala', Prime Minister Haj Ali Razmara, and historian Ahmad Kasravi.
Safavi and his group were closely associated with Abol-Ghasem Kashani and supported but were not members of Mohammad Mosaddegh's National Front. Safavi worked with Kashani, helping organize bazaar strikes against Premier Ahmad Qavam, public meetings in support of Palestinian Arabs, and a violent demonstration in 1948 against Premier Abdolhossein Hazhir. When the Shah appointed National Front leader Mohammed Mossadegh to the post of prime minister, Safavi expected his objectives would be furthered. He demanded the government drive the British out, and that it release "with honour and respect" the assassination of Razmara. When that didn't happen, Safavi announced "we have broken away irrevocably from Kashani's National Front. They promised to set up an Islamic country according to the precepts of the Koran. Instead, they have imprisoned our brothers." He later warned, "there are others who must be pushed down the incline to hell", words which would pass on to Mossadegh and further alienate him.
Thus relations between Kashani and Safavi, not to mention Mosaddegh, became "strained". On 10 May 1951, Navvab Safavi declared, "I invite Mosaddegh, other members of the National Front and Ayatollah Kashani, to an ethical trial.
Under the Pahlavi regime, the Usuli idea of democracy was suppressed and Shia Islamism found the space for revival. In 1950, at 26 years of age, he presented his idea of an Islamic State in a treatise, Barnameh-ye Inqalabi-ye Fada'ian-i Islam, which reflects his simplistic and naïve understanding of politics, history and society. After the 1953 coup against Iran's prime minister Mohammad Mosaddegh, Navvab Safavi congratulated the Shah and said:
File:Hossein Borujerdi.jpg|thumb|Ayatollah Sayyid Hossein Ali Tababataei Borujerdi was a student of Akhund Khurasani and leading Iranian Shia Marja' in Iran from approximately 1947 to his death in 1961.
File:Teymur Bakhtiar arrests Navvab Safavi - 1955.jpg|left|thumb|Sayyid Mojtaba Mir-Lohi, known as Navvab Safavi under arrest. He played a role in assassinations of Abdolhossein Hazhir, Haj Ali Razmara and Ahmad Kasravi. On 22 November 1955, after an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate Hosein Ala', Navvab Safavi and some of his followers were arrested. In January 1956, he was sentenced to death and executed.
In the years to follow, he enjoyed a close association with the government. In 1954, he attended the Islamic Conference in Jordan and traveled to Egypt. There he learned about Hasan al-Banna, the founder of Muslim Brotherhood, who was killed by Egyptian government in 1949, and met Sayyid Qutb. Grand Ayatullah Husayn Burujardi rejected the ideas of Navvab Safavi and his radical group. He questioned him about the robberies that his organization committed at gunpoint, Safavi replied:
Navvab Safavi didn't like Burujardi's idea of Shia-Sunni rapprochement ; he advocated Shia-Sunni unification under an Islamist agenda.
Fada'ian-e Islam launched a campaign of character assassination against the Grand Ayatollah. He called for excommunication of Borujerdi and the defrocking of religious scholars who opposed Shi'i Islamism, a practice realized after establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran for Ayatullah Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari and other clerics through Special Clerical Court. Fada'ian-e Islam carried out assassinations of Abdolhossein Hazhir, Haj Ali Razmara and Ahmad Kasravi.

Arrest and execution

On 22 November 1955, after an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate Hosein Ala', Navvab Safavi was arrested and sentenced to death on 25 December 1955 under terrorism charges, along with three other comrades, by the same military court that ordered the execution of communists. The organization dispersed but after the death of Ayatullah Borujerdi, the Fada'ian-e Islam sympathizers found a new leader in Ayatullah Khomeini who appeared on the political horizon through the June 1963 riots. In 1965, prime minister Hassan Ali Mansur was assassinated by the group.

Ideology

The main work detailing his vision of the world is Barnameh-ye Enqelabi-ye Fada'ian-e Eslam, "published in October/November 1950, in the heat of the debates over the nationalization of the oil industry", where he exposes a paradigm close to that of the utopian socialists like Saint-Simon, Charles Fourier or Robert Owen.

Philosophy

In philosophy and moral psychology, he proposed that "the human mind is the arena of a continual confrontation between the desires of the psyche and the restraining force of reason ", and the latter should refrain the carnal desires of the former, like fornication or drinking alcohol.

Education

In education, he favoured "compulsory elementary education for five years, and high school would train students in the areas of students' specialization. Only courses such as chemistry, physics, natural sciences, mathematics, and medicine, which are useful for society, would be taught" so "in this way those students who do not make it to college would have learned a trade when they complete high school", while he also promoted single-sex education, all of which would influence the educational policies of Ayatollah Khomeini.

Economy

In economy, he proposed a Third Position, rejecting both western capitalism and communism for an Islamic vision, which is similar to Ayatollah Khomeini's anti-Soviet and anti-US position. His ideology has been characterized as "a Sismondian capitalism of shopkeepers and artisans where altruism, charity, and religious taxes act as levelling devices in a society that would honour everyone equally and would provide for all their needs", "the shopkeepers and artisans would be living in a world of total harmony with the wealthy and fortunate merchants, while the corrupt and arrogant capitalist thieves and embezzlers of public funds would be done away with", whereas the government "would carry on certain responsibilities. It would maintain law and order and would make sure that Islamic codes of conduct are strictly enforced. It would educate the youth and carry out other social responsibilities."

Geopolitics

In geopolitics, like many Iranian nationalists of his time, he's particularly critical of Great Britain and the Soviet Union, yet another feature Ayatollah Khomeini made his own. He was also strongly anti-Zionist, proclaiming that "the pure blood of the brave devotees of Islam is boiling to help the Moslem Palestinian brothers." In fact, apart from the obvious pan-Islamic tones of the movement, he was also somehow a nationalist in the sense that "the Fada'iyan's ideology combined religious zeal and belief in the supremacy of Shi'ite Islam with elements of Iranian nationalism. The Fada'iyan sought to 'purify the Persian language' and hoped to bring the Iranian-Shi'ite lands together and establish an Islamic government."