Modern witch hunts


s are a contemporary phenomenon occurring globally, with notable occurrences in Sub-Saharan Africa, India, Nepal, and Papua New Guinea. Modern witch hunts surpass the body counts of early-modern witch-hunting. Sub-Saharan Africa, particularly the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Africa, Tanzania, Kenya, and Nigeria, experiences a high prevalence of witch-hunting. In Cameroon, accusations have resurfaced in courts, often involving child-witchcraft scares. Gambia witnessed government-sponsored witch hunts, leading to abductions, forced confessions, and deaths.
In Ghana, witch hunting has historical roots, with sanctuaries for victims identified. In the southern regions, accusations tend to remain peaceful, while mass-panics involving media-induced hysteria have occurred. Kenya has a history of witch-hunts, with lynchings reported in the past. Nigeria sees accusations leading to deadly consequences, often considered a form of community service. Tanzania has witnessed intense witch-hunts, with economic strains and exploitation as contributing factors. Zambia experienced witchfinders using a mix of Christian and native traditions.
In India, witch hunts involve accusations against women, often widows or divorcees, leading to violence and sometimes death. Indonesia has a history of superstition and belief in witchcraft, with vigilante witch-hunts reported post-Suharto era. In Nepal, low-caste women are targeted in witch hunts due to superstitions, lack of education, and societal issues. Papua New Guinea experiences extrajudicial torture and murder of alleged witches, driven by jealousy and economic factors. Witch-hunts against children have seen a significant increase in sub-Saharan regions, with estimates of 40,000 child-related witch-hunt orphans in Kinshasa alone.

Africa

Most witch hunts today take place in modern sub-Saharan Africa. The majority of ethnographic literature on the subject remains on a local level. Summarizing studies and meta-analysis remain scarce due to the amount of data involved. Max Marwick, John Middleton, Mary Douglas and Lucy Mair were among the first to cover a wider range of witch-hunts. In recent times, Wolfgang Behringer has provided an overview about witch hunts throughout history and continents.
A particularly high prevalence of recent witch hunting has been noted for the DRC, South Africa, Tanzania, Kenya and Nigeria. Other states showing ongoing and repeated witch hunts are Malawi, Ghana, Gambia, Benin, Angola and Central African Republic. While some societies suffer at most sporadic and low-level witch-hunts, the entire Sub-Saharan Africa shows a high prevalence of beliefs in the existence of witchcraft and a considerable prevalence of violent witch hunts. Nonetheless, many if not most ethnic groups believe in the existence of witchcraft but do not or do not normally accuse people of witchcraft. Where accusations occur, accusations do not all lead to violence and can even be used for benefits by the accused person.

Cameroon

Several African states, including Cameroon, reestablished witchcraft-accusations in courts after their independence. From Cameroon, Robert Brain and Peter Geschiere delivered ethnographic accounts on a child-witchcraft scare that tended to remain largely peacefully. After confessions, the accused or self-accused children were rewarded with large amounts of meat to induce a purifying vomiting. In addition, witch doctors have been used as expert witnesses in trials, according to a 1998 study.
In 2017, it was reported that the Cameroonian President Paul Biya had urged citizens to use witchcraft as a means of combatting Boko Haram.

Gambia

In March 2009, Amnesty International reported that up to 1,000 people in Gambia had been abducted by government-sponsored "witch doctors" on charges of witchcraft, and taken to detention centers where they were forced to drink a poisonous concoction at gunpoint, known as kubejaro. On 21 May 2009, the New York Times reported that the alleged witch-hunting campaign had been sparked by the Gambian President, Yahya Jammeh. The president continued a series of "witch hunts" over the next seven years, in which rural villagers experienced beatings, kidnappings, and forced confessions. Deaths that occurred during the time were due to the side effects of drinking kubejaro, such as kidney failure, or beatings. Later, the Gambian government launched an investigation of these crimes and opened a center to support the victims. A Washington Post report found that many of the victims had received no support or outreach from such initiatives. Many of the victims also still suffer from health problems, such as pains, weakness, and anxiety.
Jammeh fled the country in 2017 after losing an election. In January 2019, investigators began interviewing people about their experiences of the atrocities, as either torturers or victims. The hearings may last two years. Meanwhile, the truth and reconciliation commission publicizes the interviews through social media.

Ghana

Research on witch hunting in Ghana dates back into the early 20th century. Arthur W. Cardinall may be the first anthropologist to mention the ghetto for victims of witch-hunts at an earth-shrine in Gnani. A later research paper by Susan Drucker-Brown observed and discussed the renowned ghetto in Gambaga. Witches in Exile, the 2004 documentary by Allison Berg, followed the structure of accusations in Kukuo, the biggest ghetto near Bimbilla. Another documentary, The Witches of Gambaga, follows over 10 years the inmates of Gambaga. The Bradt Travel Guides mentions the ghetto in Gambaga as a tourist attraction.
A total of eight sanctuaries for witch-hunt victims were listed by the Ethnologist Felix Riedel. The list of sanctuaries includes so far :
  • Kukuo : 450.
  • Tindang : 350.
  • Gushiegu: 120.
  • Gambaga: 80.
  • Nabule : 55.
  • Kpatinga: 40.
  • Duabone: 10.
  • Banyasi : 3–8.
While all are sanctuaries that offer protection for outcasts, at least five of the eight ghettoes are dominated by an earth-priest. They then serve as sites for traditional exorcisms, that involve a chicken-ordeal to determine the guilt or innocence of an accused person and a concoction to cleanse the supposed witchcraft-power. The local earth is believed to neutralize the witchcraft powers.
Ethnographic research and journalistic interest in the comparably safe and well-researched Northern Ghana sometimes lead to an overrepresentation of Ghana what witch-hunting concerns. Neighbouring regions and countries appear underrepresented in current research in comparison.
In the southern parts of Ghana as in its urban areas witch-hunting as mass-violence occurs, but far less frequent than in the Northern Regions. Deadly mass-panics in Accra and Kumasi involved media-induced penis-theft-hysterias common throughout Western and Central Africa. In general, witchcraft accusations in Southern Ghana today tend to stay rather peaceful or at least quiet, leading to social isolation of a person. A study of Van der Geest also showed, that almost every person in a Southern Ghanaian town has both experienced an accusation and accused another person.
In the early 20th century, several witch hunting movements spread from Northern Ghana's shrine Tongnaab into Southern Ghana and into Nigeria. Those movements tended to stay rather peaceful, while harassment, beating and fining of accused persons occurred on a regular basis.

Kenya

has a long-covered history of witch hunts. In the past years, lynchings were a frequent feature of public violence. For example, it was reported on 21 May 2008 that in Kenya a mob had burnt to death at least 11 people accused of witchcraft.
The Western region of Kenya is particularly known for witch hunts, and the district of Kisii has been labeled a "sorcery belt". In this region, elders are often targeted and labeled as witches.

Nigeria

People accused of being witches in Nigeria include a seventy-year-old widow from Irrua named Auntie B. As of 2019, she had avoided being made to drink a magical potion of toxic substances. In the nearby Ozalla community, at least twenty accused people since 2004 have died under similar circumstances. "Killing an alleged witch is considered a form of community service, a way to avenge and neutralize the source of danger to the community."

Tanzania

has seen some of the most intense witch-hunts in Africa, with an estimated 20,000 people brought to death throughout the past 20 years. Mostly elderly women were affected by the violence. As a main factor, economic strains and exploitation are named by documentaries, state-reports and independent observers.
As much as 93% of the population believe in magic and witchcraft, and witchdoctors play an important role in society as healers, and everyday helpers, with as much as 100,000 registered in the county's healthcare system protocols. Black magic and witchcraft are feared and not just for superstitious reasons. Incidents of abductions, maimings and even bestial killings by witchdoctors and their helpers, are regularly experienced in Tanzania, where human body parts are used in some witchcraft rituals or as magical charms. In particular the country's albino population is targeted for this, but not exclusively.

Zambia

, in the journal Africa, relates in 1935 an instance when a new wave of witchfinders, the Bamucapi, appeared in the villages of the Bemba people of Zambia. They dressed in European clothing, and would summon the headman to prepare a ritual meal for the village. When the villagers arrived they would view them all in a mirror, and claimed they could identify witches with this method. These accused persons would then have to "yield up his horns"; i.e. give over the horn containers for curses and evil potions to the witch-finders. The bamucapi then made all drink a potion called kucapa which would cause a witch to die and swell up if he ever tried such things again.
The villagers related that the witch-finders were always right because the witches they found were always the people whom the village had feared all along. The bamucapi utilised a mixture of Christian and native religious traditions to account for their powers and said that God helped them to prepare their medicine. In addition, all witches who did not attend the meal to be identified would be called to account later on by their master, who had risen from the dead, and who would force the witches by means of drums to go to the graveyard, where they would die. Richards noted that the bamucapi created the sense of danger in the villages by rounding up all the horns in the village, whether they were used for anti-witchcraft charms, potions, snuff or were indeed receptacles of black magic.