Kikuyu people


The Kikuyu are a Northeastern-Bantu ethnic group that originated in West-Central Africa. They were part of the Thagicu group that settled around Mount Kenya and primarily inhabit the fertile central highlands of Kenya. Traditionally, the Kikuyu community was organized into nine clans Anjirũ, Ambũi, Agacikũ, and Aceera, among others. At a population of 8,148,668 as of the 2019 census, they account for ~17.13% of the total population of Kenya, making them the country's largest ethnic group followed by the Luhya, Kalenjin, Luo, and Kamba collective making the "Big Five"
The term Kikuyu is the Swahili borrowing of the autonym Gĩkũyũ.

History

Origin

The exact place that the Northeast Bantu speakers migrated from after the initial Bantu expansion is uncertain. Their ancestors were part of the wider Bantu migration which originated in the region of West-Central Africa and passed through the Congo Basin, a major dispersal corridor. While Linguistically Bantu, these groups show significant genetic and cultural interaction with neighbouring Nilotic and Cushitic populations. Studies have observed Nilotic ancestry in Kikuyu individuals ranging from approximately 20-25% with Cushitic ancestry reaching approximately 32-36%. This is largely due to their geographic location in the central highlands, surrounded by diverse ethnic clusters.
Their ancestors part of a broader group known as the Thagicu first reaching the northern slopes of Mount Kenya around the 3rd century CE. By the 13th century, they had established a cultural core in the highlands around Murang'a. A major southward migration into present-day Kiambu followed during the 18th and 19th centuries, a process characterized by land acquisition and intermarriage with indigenous hunter-gatherer groups.

Social and political life

The Kikuyu community was divided into nine clans. These nine clans are the Anjirũ, Agacikũ, Ambũi, Angũi aka Aithiegeni, Angechi aka Aithĩrandũ, Aacera, Ambura aka Aakĩũrũ or Eethaga, Airimũ aka Agathiigia, Angarĩ aka Aithekahuno and Aicakamũyũ and all clans and families emanate from them perpetually, through patriarchy. Each clan traced its lineage to a single female ancestor and a daughter of Mumbi. Some clans had a recognized leader, others did not. However, in either case, real political power was exercised by the ruling council of elders for each clan. Each clan then forwarded the leader of its council to the apex council of elders for the whole community. The overall council of elders representing all the clans was then led by a headman or the nation's spokesman.

Spirituality and religion

The Gĩkũyũ were – and still are – Animists believing in the veneration of ancestors, spiritual entities, a distant High God whom they refer to as Ngai, and other supernatural beings. A complex animistic system including the beliefs in spirits and higher and lower gods, sometimes including a supreme being, as well as the veneration of the dead, use of magic, and traditional African medicine, is broadly shared with other African religions.
Ngai – The Supreme Creator
All of the Gĩkũyũ, Embu, and Kamba use the name Ngai to refer to the distant creation force who represents the head of the spiritual world and represents the first ancestor and creator of Gĩkũyũ society. Ngai was also known as Mũrungu by the Meru and Embu tribes, or Mũlungu. The title Mwathani or Mwathi comes from the word gwatha meaning to rule or reign with authority, was and is still used. All sacrifices to Ngai were performed under a sycamore tree and if one was not available, a fig tree would be used. The olive tree was a sacred tree for women.
Mount Kenya and religion
Ngai or Mwene-Nyaga is the Creator force and giver of all things. He created the first Gĩkũyũ communities, and provided them with all the resources necessary for life: land, rain, plants, and animals. Ngai cannot be seen but is manifested in the sun, moon, stars, comets and meteors, thunder and lightning, rain, rainbows, and in the great fig trees. These trees served as places of worship and sacrifice and marked the spot at Mũkũrwe Wa Nyagathanga where Gĩkũyũ and Mũmbi – the ancestors of the Gĩkũyũ in the oral legend – first settled. Ngai has human characteristics, and although some say that he lives in the sky or in the clouds, Gĩkũyũ lore also says that Ngai comes to earth from time to time to inspect it, bestow blessings, and mete out punishment. When he comes, Ngai rests on Mount Kenya and Kilimambogo. Thunder is interpreted to be the movement of Ngai and lightning is the weapon used by Ngai to clear the way when moving from one sacred place to another. Some people believe that Ngai's abode is on Mount Kenya. In one legend Ngai made the mountain his resting place while on an inspection tour of earth. Ngai then took the first man, Gikuyu, to the top to point out the beauty of the land he was giving him.
Philosophy of the traditional Kikuyu religion
The cardinal points in this Traditional Gĩkũyũ Religion Philosophy were squarely based on the general Bantu peoples thought as follows:
  1. Veneration of ancestors
  2. Veneration of Nature and Nature deities
  3. Veneration of lower and higher gods
  4. Veneration of a distant High God or creation force
  5. Belief in an Afterlife with the possibility of Reincarnation
The Gĩkũyũ held a belief in the interconnection of everything in the universe. To the Gĩkũyũ people, everything we see has an inner spiritual force and the most sacred though unspoken ontology was being is force. This spiritual vital force originated with the creation of the universe by Ngai, who became everything. In this sense Ngai is the High God of creation and everything at the same time. To the Gĩkũyũ people, Mũgai/Ngai was the supreme being in the universe and the giver of this life force to everything that exists. Gĩkũyũ people also believed that everything Ngai created had a vital inner force and a connection bond to Him and everyone by the mere fact that he created everything and gave it that inner force that makes it be and be manifested physically. To the Agĩkũyũ, Ngai had this life force within himself hence He was the ultimate owner and ruler of everything in the universe. The latter was the ultimate conception of High God among the Gĩkũyũ people hence the name Mũgai/Ngai. To the Gĩkũyũ people, those who possessed the greatest life force, those closest to Ngai were the first parents created by Ngai because he directly gave them the vital living force. These first parents were so respected to be treated almost like Ngai himself. They became the Gand Ancestors, deities. These were followed by the ancestors of the people who inherited life force from the first parents, then followed by the immediate dead and finally the eldest in the community. Hence when people wanted to offer sacrifices, the eldest in the community would perform the rites. Children in the community had a link to Ngai through their parents and that chain would move upwards to parent parents, ancestors, first created parents until it reaches Ngai Himself. The Gĩkũyũ people believed the departed spirits of the ancestors can be reborn again in this world when children are being born, hence the rites performed during the child naming ceremonies. The Gĩkũyũ people believed the vital life force or soul of a person can be increased or diminished, thereby affecting the person's health. They also believed that some people possessed power to manipulate the inner force in all things. These people who increased the well-being of a person spirit were called medicine-men while those who diminished the person's life force were called witchdoctors. They also believed that ordinary items can have their spiritual powers increased such that they protect a person against those bent on diminishing a person vital life force. Such an item with such powers was called gĩthiitũ. Thus, the philosophy of the Gĩkũyũ religion and life, in general, was anchored on the understanding that everything in the universe has an inner interlinked force that we do not see. Ngai among the Gĩkũyũ people was understood hence to be the owner and distributor of this inner life force in all things and He was worshiped and praised to either increase the life force of all things the Gĩkũyũ people possessed and minimize events that led to catastrophes that would diminish the life force of the people or lead to death. The leader of the Gĩkũyũ people was the person who was thought to possess the greatest life force among the people or the person who had demonstrated the greatest life force in taking care of the people, their families, their farm produce, their cattle and their land. This person was hence thought to be closer to Ngai than anybody else living in that nation. The said person also had to demonstrate and practice the highest levels of truth and justice, just like Ngai of the Gĩkũyũ people would do.

Political structures and generational change

The Agĩkũyũ had four seasons and two harvests in one year.
  1. Mbura ya njahĩ from March to July;
  2. Magetha ma njahĩ between July and early October;
  3. Mbura ya Mwere from October to January;
  4. Magetha ma Mwere ''milletà;
  5. Mbura ya KÄ©mera.
Further, time was recorded through the initiation by circumcision. Each initiation group was given a special name. According to Professor Godfrey Mũriũki, the individual initiation sets are then grouped into a regiment every nine calendar years. Before a regiment or army was set, there was a period in which no initiation of boys took place. This period lasted a total of four and a half calendar years and is referred to as mũhingo, with initiation taking place at the start of the fifth year and going on annually for the next nine calendar years. This was the system adopted in Metumi Murang'a. The regiment or army sets also get special names, some of which seem to have ended up as popular male names. In Gaki Nyeri the system was inversed with initiation taking place annually for four calendar years, which would be followed by a period of nine calendar years in which no initiation of boys took place. Girls, on the other hand, were initiated every year. Several regiments then make up a ruling generation. It was estimated that ruling generations lasted an average of 35 years. The names of the initiation and regiment sets vary within Gĩkũyũ land. The ruling generations are however uniform and provide very important chronological data. On top of that, the initiation sets were a way of documenting events within the Gĩkũyũ nation, so, for example, were the occurrence of smallpox and syphilis recorded. Girls' initiation sets were also accorded special names, although there has been little research in this area. Mũriũki only unearths three sets, whose names are, Rũharo , Kibiri/Ndũrĩrĩ , Kagica , Ndutu/Nuthi . All these names are taken from Metumi and Kabete Kĩambu.
  • Manjiri 1512 – 1546 ± 55
  • Mamba 1547 – 1581 ± 50
  • Tene 1582 – 1616 ± 45
  • Aagu 1617 – 1651 ± 40
  • Manduti 1652 – 1686 ± 35
  • Cuma 1687 – 1721 ± 30
  • Ciira 1722 – 1756 ± 25
  • Mathathi 1757 – 1791 ± 20
  • Ndemi 1792 – 1826 ± 15
  • Iregi 1827 – 1861 ± 10
  • Maina 1862 – 1897 ± 5
  • Mwangi 1898?
Mathew Njoroge Kabetũ's list reads, Tene, Kĩyĩ, Aagu, Ciĩra, Mathathi, Ndemi, Iregi, Maina, Mwangi. Gakaara wa Wanjaũ's list reads Tene, Nema Thĩ, Kariraũ, Aagu, Tiru, Cuma, Ciira, Ndemi, Mathathi, Iregi, Maina, Mwangi, Irũngũ, Mwangi wa Mandũti. The last two generations came after 1900. One of the earliest recorded lists by McGregor reads Manjiri, Mandũti, Chiera, Masai, Mathathi, Ndemi, Iregi, Maina, Mwangi, Mũirũngũ. According to Hobley each initiation generation, riika, extended over two years. The ruling generation at the arrival of the Europeans was called Maina. It is said that Maina handed over to Mwangi in 1898. Hobley asserts that the following sets were grouped under Maina – Kĩnũthia, Karanja, Njũgũna, Kĩnyanjui, Gathuru and Ng'ang'a. Professor Mũriũki however puts these sets much earlier, namely Karanja and Kĩnũthia belong to the Ciira ruling generation which ruled from the year 1722 to 1756, give or take 25 years, according to Mũriũki. Njũgũna, Kĩnyanjui, Ng'ang'a belong to the Mathathi ruling generation that ruled from 1757 to 1791, give or take 20 years, according to Mũriũki.
Professor Mũriũki's list must be given precedence in this area as he conducted extensive research in this area starting 1969, and had the benefit of all earlier literature on the subject as well as doing extensive field work in the areas of Gaki, Metumi and Kabete. On top of the ruling generations, he also gives names of the regiments or army sets from 1659 and the names of annual initiation sets beginning 1864. The list from Metumi is most complete and differentiated.
Mũriũki's is also the most systematically defined list so far. Most of the most popular male names in Gĩkũyũ land were names of riikas. Here is Mũriũki's list of the names of regiment sets in Metumi : Kiariĩ, Cege, Kamau, Kĩmani, Karanja, Kĩnũthia, Njũgũna, Kĩnyanjui, Ng'ang'a, Njoroge, Wainaina, Kang'ethe, Mbũgua, Njenga or Mbĩra Itimũ, Mũtũng'ũ or Mbũrũ.
H.E. Lambert, who dealt with the riikas extensively, has the following list of regiment sets from Gichũgũ and Ndia. Karanja, Kĩnũthia, Ndũrĩrĩ, Mũgacho, Njoroge, Kang'ethe, Gitaũ, Manyaki, Kiambũthi, Watuke, Ngũgĩ, Wakanene.
The remarkable thing in this list in comparison to the Metumi one is how some of the same names are used, if a bit offset. Ndia and Gachũgũ are extremely far from Metumi. Gaki on the other hand, as far as my geographical understanding of Gĩkũyũ land is concerned should be much closer to Metumi, yet virtually no names of regiment sets are shared. It should however be noted that Gaki had a strong connection to the Maasai living nearby.
The ruling generation names of Maina and Mwangi are also very popular male Gĩkũyũ names. The theory is also that Waciira is also derived from ciira, which is also a very popular masculine name among the Agĩkũyũ. This would call into question, when it was exactly that children started being named after the parents of one's parents. Had that system, of naming one's children after one's parents been there from the beginning, there would be very few male names in circulation. This is however not the case, as there are very many Gĩkũyũ male names. One theory is that the female names are much less, with the names of the full-nine daughters of Mũmbi being most prevalent.
Gakaara wa Wanjaũ supports this view when he writes in his book, Mĩhĩrĩga ya Aagĩkũyũ,
Hingo ĩyo ciana cia arũme ciatuagwo marĩĩtwa ma mariika ta Watene, Cuma, Iregi kana Ciira. Nao airĩĩtu magatuuo marĩĩtwa ma mĩhĩrĩga tauria hagwetetwo nah au kabere, o nginya hingo iria maundu maatabariirwo thuuthaini ati ciana ituagwo aciari a mwanake na a muirĩĩtu.''
Freely translated it means "In those days the male children were given the names of the riika like Watene, Cuma, Iregi, or Ciira. Girls were on the other hand named after the clans that were named earlier until such a time as it was decided to name the children after the parents of the man and the woman." From this statement it is not clear whether the girls were named ad hoc after any clan, no matter what clan the parents belonged to. Naming them after the specific clan that the parents belonged to would have severely restricted naming options.
This would strangely mean that the female names are the oldest in Gĩkũyũ land, further confirming its matrilineal descent. As far as male names are concerned, there is of course the chicken and the egg question, of when a name specifically appeared but some names are tied to events that happened during the initiation. For example, Wainaina refers to those who shivered during circumcision. Kũinaina.
There was a very important ceremony known as Ituĩka in which the old guard would hand over the reins of government to the next generation. This was to avoid dictatorship. Kenyatta related how once, in the land of the Agĩkũyũ, there ruled a despotic King called Gĩkũyũ, grandson of the elder daughter of the original Gĩkũyũ of Gĩkũyũ and Mũmbi fame. After he was deposed, it was decided that the government should be democratic, which is how the Ituĩka came to be. This legend of course calls into question exactly when it was that the matrilineal rule set in. The last Ituĩka ceremony, where the riika of Maina handed over power to the Mwangi generation, took place in 1898–9. The next one was supposed to be held in 1925–1928 but was thwarted by the colonial imperialist government and one by one Gĩkũyũ institutions crumbled.