Catalan independence movement


The Catalan independence movement is a social and political movement with roots in Catalan nationalism that seeks the independence of Catalonia from Spain and the establishment of a Catalan Republic.
While proposals, organizations and individuals advocating for Catalan independence or the restitution of statehood for the Principality of Catalonia existed through the 18th and 19th centuries, the beginnings of the independence movement in Catalonia can be traced back to regionalism and Catalan nationalism from the mid–19th century, influenced by romantic ideas widespread in Europe at the time. The first relevant organised Catalan independence party was Estat Català, founded in 1922 by Francesc Macià. In 1931, Estat Català and other parties formed Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya. Macià proclaimed a Catalan Republic within an Iberian Federation in 1931, subsequently accepting autonomy within the Spanish Republic after negotiations with the leaders of the provisional Spanish Republican government. During the Spanish Civil War, General Francisco Franco abolished Catalan autonomy in 1938. Following Franco's death in 1975, Catalan political parties concentrated on the recovery and further increase of autonomy rather than independence, which was restricted to extraparliamentary Marxist organizations and internal factions of mainstream parties.
The contemporary independence movement began around 2009 after a series of events, including the 2008 financial crisis and the People's Party challenging the 2006 Statute of Autonomy in the Constitutional Court of Spain; Catalan municipalities held symbolic referendums on independence between 2009 and 2011. The 2010 ruling of the court that parts of the statute were unconstitutional sparked huge protests, and a snap election in 2012 led to the first pro-independence majority ever in the Catalan parliament. The new government held a "non-binding" self-determination referendum in 2014, which yielded a large majority in favour of independence, but with a low turnout due to boycotting by anti-independence voters. A further election in 2015 was followed by the calling of a new, binding referendum. This was however considered illegal by the Spanish government and the Constitutional Court, as the Catalan government lacks legal jurisdiction to organize referendums. The referendum was nonetheless held in 2017 amidst great political and social controversy including police violence aimed at stopping it both before and during the voting. Amidst large protests from both the pro- and anti-independence camps, the Catalan parliament approved a motion with the aim to proclaim an independent republic. At the same time, the Spanish senate voted to take control of the Catalan institutions until new regional elections. The autonomous government leaders were arrested in the subsequent weeks with some fleeing abroad including then-president Carles Puigdemont. In 2019, the new Spanish government agreed to hold a 'table of negotiations' with the government of Catalonia, though refusing beforehand to consider independence or self-determination. In 2020, the Spanish government began processing a request for the pardon of the arrested leaders, which was effective in June 2021.
In the Parliament of Catalonia, parties explicitly supporting independence are Together for Catalonia, heir of the former Democratic Convergence of Catalonia ; Republican Left of Catalonia, Popular Unity Candidacy and Catalan Alliance. Parties opposed to the Catalan independence are the People's Party, the Socialists' Party of Catalonia and Vox. Catalunya en Comú supports federalism and a legal and agreed referendum.

History

Principality of Catalonia

The Principality of Catalonia was a state of the composite monarchy known as Crown of Aragon. The Principality was the result of the absorption or vassalization by the County of Barcelona of the other Catalan counties, while the Crown was created by the dynastic union of the County of Barcelona and the Kingdom of Aragon in 1137. In the late 15th century, Aragon united by marriage with the Crown of Castile to form what would later become the Monarchy of Spain. Initially, the various polities of the Crown of Aragon, including the Principality of Catalonia, kept their own laws and customs, known as Constitutions, equivalent in the other kingdoms to the fueros, and political institutions such as the Catalan Courts and the Generalitat as a guarantee of their sovereignty and jurisdiction, for which they fought a civil war during the actual union of the crowns, known as the Catalan Civil War between foralists and royalists. In 1640, during the Thirty Years War and Franco-Spanish War, Catalan peasants and institutions revolted, starting the Reapers' War. The following year, the Catalan government seceded, establishing the independence of the Principality as a Catalan Republic, called France for protection and finally named Louis XIII count of Barcelona. After a decade of war, the Spanish Monarchy counter-attacked in 1652 and recovered Barcelona and the rest of Catalonia, except for Roussillon, which was annexed by France. Catalonia retained its Constitutions.
During the War of Spanish Succession, most of the territories of the Crown of Aragon, including the Principality of Catalonia, fiercely supported Archduke Charles, the Habsburg contender, who swore the Catalan constitutions, against the Bourbon contender, who would later abolish the Catalan constitutions and political institutions through the Nueva Planta Decrees. The Habsburgs' English allies withdrew from the war with the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, and shortly thereafter, Habsburg troops were evacuated from Italy and from Spain. This left the Catalan government isolated, but it remained loyal to Charles and unilaterally declared the war to Philip V and the Kingdom of France. After a 14-month siege, Barcelona capitulated to a Bourbon army on 11 September 1714. 11 September, the date of the fall of Barcelona, was commemorated by Catalan nationalists from 1886, and in the 20th century it was chosen as the National Day of Catalonia.
After the War of the Spanish Succession, based on the political position of the Count-Duke of Olivares and the absolutism of Philip V, the assimilation of the Crown of Aragon by the Castilian Crown through the Nueva Planta decrees was the first step in the creation of the Spanish nation-state, with a centralised Spanish government. Like other contemporary European states, political union is the first step in the creation of the Spanish nation-state, in this case not on a uniform ethnic basis, but through the imposition of the political and cultural characteristics of the dominant ethnic group. in this case the Castilians, over those of other ethnic groups, become national minorities to be assimilated. In fact, since the political unification of 1714, Spanish assimilation policies towards Catalan-speaking territories and other national minorities have been a historical constant.
File:Mapa_político_de_España,_1850.jpg|left|thumb|School map of Spain from 1850. The Spanish State is divided into four parts: The fully constitutional Spain, that includes most of the former Crown of Castile; Assimilated Spain: territories from the former Crown of Aragon, including most Catalan-speaking areas; Foral Spain, which includes the Basque-speaking territories; and Colonial Spain, with the remaining colonial territories for that year.
It begins with secret instructions to the corregidores of the Catalan territory: "will take the utmost care to introduce the Castilian language, for which purpose he will give the most temperate and disguised measures so that the effect is achieved, without the care being noticed", and from there the actions, discreet or aggressive, are continued, and reach the last detail, such as, in 1799, the Royal Certificate prohibiting "represent, sing and dance pieces that were not in Spanish." These nationalist policies, sometimes very aggressive, and still in force, have been and still are the seed of repeated territorial conflicts within the State.

Nineteenth and twentieth century

Although since its loss there were claims to recover the Constitutions, the beginnings of separatism in Catalonia can be traced back to the mid–19th century. The Renaixença, which aimed at the revival of the Catalan language and Catalan traditions, led to the development of Catalan nationalism and a desire for self-government, through a Spanish federal republic or even the independence. Between the 1850s and the 1910s, some individuals, organisations and political parties started demanding full independence of Catalonia from Spain.
File:Proclamació Segona República Francesc Macià. Amadeu Aragay. 14 abril 1931.jpg|thumb|Francesc Macià, leader of ERC and President of Catalonia between 1931 and 1933, proclaiming the Catalan Republic on 14 April 1931
The first pro-independence political party in Catalonia was Estat Català, founded in 1922 by Francesc Macià. Estat Català went into exile in France during the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, launching an unsuccessful uprising from Prats de Molló in 1926. In March 1931, following the overthrow of Primo de Rivera, Estat Català joined with the Partit Republicà Català and the political group L'Opinió to form Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, with Macià as its first leader. The following month, the ERC achieved a spectacular victory in the municipal elections that preceded the 14 April proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic. Macià proclaimed a Catalan Republic on 14 April, but after negotiations with the provisional government he was obliged to settle for autonomy, under a revived Generalitat of Catalonia. Catalonia was granted a statute of autonomy in 1932, which lasted until the Spanish Civil War. In 1938, General Franco abolished both the Statute of Autonomy and the Generalitat.
A section of Estat Català which had broken away from the ERC in 1936 joined with other groups to found the Front Nacional de Catalunya in Paris in 1940. The FNC declared its aim to be "an energetic protest against Franco and an affirmation of Catalan nationalism". Its impact, however, was on Catalan exiles in France rather than in Catalonia itself. The FNC in turn gave rise to the Partit Socialista d'Alliberament Nacional, which combined a pro-independence agenda with a left-wing stance. A split in the PSAN led to the formation of the Partit Socialista d'Alliberament Nacional - Provisional in 1974.
Following Franco's death in 1975, Spain moved to restore democracy. A new constitution was adopted in 1978, which asserted the "indivisible unity of the Spanish Nation", but acknowledged "the right to autonomy of the nationalities and regions which form it". Independence parties objected to it on the basis that it was incompatible with Catalan self-determination, and formed the Comité Català Contra la Constitució Espanyola to oppose it. The constitution was approved in a referendum by 88% of voters in Spain overall, and just over 90% in Catalonia. It was followed by the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia of 1979, which was approved in a referendum, with 88% of voters supporting it. This led to the marginalisation or disappearance of pro-independence political groups, and for a time the gap was filled by militant groups such as Terra Lliure.
In 1981, a manifesto issued by intellectuals in Catalonia claiming discrimination against the Castilian language, drew a response in the form of published letter, Crida a la Solidaritat en Defensa de la Llengua, la Cultura i la Nació Catalanes, which called for a mass meeting at the University of Barcelona, out of which a popular movement arose. The Crida organised a series of protests that culminated in a massive demonstration in the Camp Nou on 24 June 1981. Beginning as a cultural organisation, the Crida soon began to demand independence. In 1982, at a time of political uncertainty in Spain, the Ley Orgánica de Armonización del Proceso Autonómico was introduced in the Spanish parliament, supposedly to "harmonise" the autonomy process, but in reality to curb the power of Catalonia and the Basque region. There was a surge of popular protest against it. The Crida and others organised a huge rally against LOAPA in Barcelona on 14 March 1982. In March 1983, it was held to be ultra vires by the Spanish Constitutional Court. During the 1980s, the Crida was involved in nonviolent direct action, among other things campaigning for labelling in Catalan only, and targeting big companies. In 1983, the Crida's leader, Àngel Colom, left to join the ERC, "giving an impulse to the independentist refounding" of that party.
In 1992 the police operation known as "Operation Garzón" saw the arrest of 45 Catalan pro-independence activists and politicians on the eve of the Summer Olympics held in Barcelona, under the accusation to be members of Terra Lliure without real proof. 25 of the arrested were kept in solitary confinement. They denounced torture at the hands of the Spanish police and threats of violence and rape to them and their families, as well as constant anti-Catalan insults.