Ronald Munro Ferguson, 1st Viscount Novar
Ronald Craufurd Munro Ferguson, 1st Viscount Novar was a British politician who served as the sixth governor-general of Australia, in office from 1914 to 1920.
Munro Ferguson was born in Kirkcaldy, Fife, Scotland. He attended the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, and initially pursued a military career. Munro Ferguson was elected to the House of Commons in 1884, defeated a year later, and re-elected in 1886. A Liberal Imperialist, he was an ally of Lord Rosebery and served as a Junior Lord of the Treasury in his government. Munro Ferguson was overlooked for ministerial office by Henry Campbell-Bannerman and H. H. Asquith, but in 1914 was appointed Governor-General of Australia. He was politically influential, forming a close bond with Prime Minister Billy Hughes, and was committed to his role as nominal commander-in-chief during World War I. His six years in office was a record until being surpassed by another wartime governor-general, Lord Gowrie. Munro Ferguson was raised to the viscountcy once his term ended, and from 1922 to 1924, returned to politics as Secretary of State for Scotland under Bonar Law and Stanley Baldwin. In retirement he held various company directorships.
Background and education
Munro Ferguson was born Ronald Craufurd Ferguson at his family home of Raith House near Kirkcaldy, Fife, Scotland, the son and eldest child of Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Ferguson, a wealthy member of the Commons of old Scottish descent. His mother was Emma Eliza, daughter of James Henry Mandeville of Merton, Surrey. He was a grandson of General Richard C. Ferguson. In 1864, his father inherited the baronies of Novar in Ross-shire and Muirton in Morayshire, and took the additional surname Munro.Educated at the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, he pursued a military career until 1884. Ferguson joined the 1st Fife Light Horse in 1875: a militia regiment of gentlemen. Three years later, he entered RMA Sandhurst. On the officer's course for a year, he was gazetted to the Grenadier Guards with a commission. He served in the army for a short service limited commission, leaving in 1884 on returning from India. Ferguson joined the Oswald of Dunnikier Lodge 468 on 24 December 1888.
Political life, 1884–1914
In 1884, Munro Ferguson was elected to the House of Commons, but was defeated at the general election of November 1885 by a Crofter candidate in Ross and Cromarty. One historian had accused him of scheming with the Duke of Argyll to corrupt the electoral process. He was defeated again the following year in Dunbartonshire. But at a by-election in July 1886 he secured the nomination at Leith Burghs, principally on the advice of Lord Rosebery. Gladstone had won two unopposed seats but, on refusing Leith to prevent a suspected Unionist Michael Jacks, it became vacant. In August a by-election was held and Home Rule candidate Munro Ferguson was elected.Gladstone appointed him private secretary to Lord Rosebery, a leading Liberal. Like Rosebery, Munro Ferguson would become a Liberal Imperialist, and a personal friend of the colourful earl. He accompanied Rosebery and his wife, Hannah, on a tour of India in 1886-7 and again in 1892-4. When Rosebery became prime minister, Ferguson was promoted in the Treasury department as a junior whip with responsibilities for Scotland. Ferguson continued to urge radicalism to bring Home Rule for Scotland on his friend, whom he supported in 1887 for the Liberal Party leadership.
He supported the imperial policies of the Conservative government during the Second Boer War, which made him highly unpopular with the radical, anti-war wing of the Liberal Party. Matters came to a head when he was threatened by Grey in a letter on 18 October 1900. The Liberals had lost another general election to the 'Khaki' Conservatives and so Ferguson disgusted by the derision and division "chucked it" in resigning as Scottish whip. A member of the Liberal Imperialist Council, he was disaffected by the bad treatment of his mentor Rosebery. Nonetheless, he was compelled to work with 'Limps', derisively dubbed by republicans, on "lines of speeches" for "the Asquith Committee" which now controlled the party's Imperialist wing now renamed The Liberal League. Grey, Haldane and the rest seized control of the organization and its administration: the preface to which was Rosebery's remarkable volte face over the South African War, leaving his friend forced to admit to Munro Ferguson "should an Asquith Government be formed he might go abroad."
He, therefore, had little hope of Cabinet office in the governments of Campbell-Bannerman or Asquith, despite his obvious talents. In December 1905, he requested the new Liberal cabinet make him Governor of Bombay but was refused. Instead, he had to be content with provost of Kirkcaldy. He nursed a burning resentment against "over genial" plebeian Asquith. Increasingly, his job in government and liaison of his group had been taken over by R B Haldane when he made it clear in 1907 his decided opposition "to keep Asquith out of the leadership....He has come to be quite unreliable...." But "the political disaster" that he called Asquith's succession made his political career untenable. He was a property owner in Asquith's constituency, a neighbour of Haldane, and just like him had gained the patronage of Lord Morley; they were idealists for social reform.
Governor-General of Australia, 1914–1920
In February 1914, therefore, Munro Ferguson was happy to accept the post of Governor-General of Australia. He was appointed a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George prior to his appointment on 18 May 1914. His political background, his connections with the Liberal government in London and his imperialist views made him both better equipped and more inclined to play an activist role in Australian politics than any of his predecessors. At the same time, he had enough sense to confine his activism to behind the scenes influence. He was described as an active Imperial supervisor by the journalist, Keith Murdoch, using his own cipher to signal London.During the First World War, which broke out in August 1914, the reciprocal power of the Australian High Commission in London was severely restricted and Government House had a furious falling out with the then Governor of New South Wales, Sir Gerald Strickland. They grew to hate one another and the latter was jealous of Melbourne's superior power and location of governance. The British Government underfunded the federal government and ignored the huge debts spent by State Governors on public works but it was the most active government since federation; and Munro-Ferguson its most active ambassador.
He developed close friendships with two judges of the High Court of Australia: Sir Samuel Griffith and Sir Edmund Barton. He consulted Griffith and Barton on many occasions, including on the exercise of the reserve powers of the Crown.
Strickland
Although 'a genial host and brilliant controversialist', Sir Gerald Strickland 'his tactlessness caused some uneasiness'. The new Governor-General found himself in a struggle over precedence. The post of New South Wales Governor was the oldest in Australia and had long been considered the most powerful. But, by law, the royal appointment to Government House held sway. During the First World War, the strain began to show in the London Liberal government. Ferguson was desperate to keep secrecy, and maintain control over policy access to London. On 3 June 1916, the Colonial Secretary informed Ferguson that a coalition was pending. Strickland, having snubbed the Government in Melbourne, went over the Governor-General's head directly to London. Strickland worked up an ANZAC day annual memorial, which proved very popular – but which Strickland claimed was a national celebration. On 1 May 1917, Munro Ferguson confessed to Lord Stamfordham that he had under-estimated the deep emotional loyalty of ordinary Australians. Press belief that Anzacs were the spearhead elite and shocktroops among dominions gave a status in the British Empire's armies they sustained throughout the war.Australian federal election, 1914
It was advantageous that Munro Ferguson was politically experienced because he arrived in Melbourne, then the site of the Parliament of Australia, to find himself in the midst of a political crisis. The Liberal government of Joseph Cook had a one-seat majority in the House of Representatives, but the Labor Party had a majority in the Senate and had used it systematically to frustrate the government. Cook was now determined to force a double dissolution election under Section 57 of the Constitution.On 2 June 1914, barely three weeks after Munro Ferguson had taken office, Cook formally requested a double dissolution. Munro Ferguson had several things to consider. The Parliament elected in 1913 still had two years to run. Cook had not been defeated in the House of Representatives. His sole reason for wanting a dissolution was that he did not control the Senate. This was a situation without precedent in the United Kingdom, where the upper house, the House of Lords, is unelected.
When Munro Ferguson granted Cook a double dissolution, he was furiously denounced by the Labor Party: who maintained that Cook was manipulating the Constitution to gain control of the Senate. Munro Ferguson, influenced by the British House of Lords crisis of 1910, took the view that the lower house should prevail. Paradoxically, it was Cook's Liberal Party who argued that the Governor-General should always take the advice of his prime minister, while Labor argued that he should exercise his discretion.
In the middle of the campaign for the 1914 election, news arrived of the outbreak of the First World War. This caused an acute crisis in Australian government. Parliament had been dissolved and the government was in caretaker mode. Furthermore, Australia in 1914 did not have the right to independent participation in international affairs, and so its politicians were completely inexperienced in such.
In these circumstances, Munro Ferguson was the only man with both the constitutional authority and the confidence to act. It was he who convened the Cabinet, implemented the mobilisation plan and communicated with the Cabinet in London. Cook's manoeuvring backfired when Labor won the September election and Andrew Fisher was returned to office.