Vaal uprising
The Vaal uprising was a period of popular revolt in black townships in apartheid South Africa, beginning in the Vaal Triangle on 3 September 1984. Sometimes known as the township revolt and driven both by local grievances and by opposition to apartheid, the uprising lasted two years and affected most regions of the country. The government of P. W. Botha did not succeed in curbing the violence until after it imposed a national state of emergency in June 1986.
The uprising began on 3 September in the Vaal Triangle, an industrial region south of Johannesburg, where the local Vaal Civic Association had organised a stay-away to protest rent increases. In the deadliest day of protesting since the 1976 Soweto uprising, there were an estimated 300 injuries and 29 fatalities, some of whom were black local councillors executed by protestors. Over the next year, civic associations and student organisations carried the riots to other areas of the country. From late 1984, in what marked a new phase of united mass action in opposition politics, protestors received support from the emerging trade union movement, including from the Federation of South African Trade Unions.
A primary target of the violence in townships were black local councillors, newly empowered by the Black Local Authorities Act. Also targeted were others viewed as collaborators of the apartheid system, such as black policemen, informants, and even school principals. A considerable number of those killed during the uprising were killed by protestors in acts of vigilante justice, including in some cases by necklacing, although many others were killed by state security forces or by rival vigilantes. Opposition to black local authorities constituted an intersection between local and socioeconomic grievances, on the one hand, and broad opposition to apartheid, on the other.
Many of the civic and student organisations which drove the protests – among them the Congress of South African Students – were formally or informally aligned to the United Democratic Front, which in turn was aligned to the exiled African National Congress. Although there remains debate about the extent to which the UDF and ANC provided the organisational and strategic impetus for the uprising, their anti-apartheid ideology and symbols were given prominent place.
The government met the uprising with severity, deploying the South African Defence Force to police the townships from October 1984. A partial state of emergency was enforced in the Transvaal and Cape Province from July 1985, extended in October 1985, and then surpassed in June 1986 by a stronger state of emergency, which applied across the country and remained in place for four years thereafter. The national state of emergency is viewed as having dampened the uprising by the end of 1986, but continuous protest and intermittent violence remained a feature of township life until negotiations to end apartheid were completed in 1994. Although the Vaal uprising is credited with having emboldened black civil society to carry out the final phase of opposition to apartheid, it also marked the beginning of an unprecedented upswing in political violence in South Africa, much of which set black groups against each other.
Background
Koornhof Bills
The key national political development in the run-up to the uprising was the introduction of a package of political reforms by the South African government, then led by P. W. Botha. The government proposed that it would maintain the system of racial separation known as apartheid while also providing for increased political representation of non-white groups. A new Constitution and a package of three laws – known as the Koornhof Bills after Minister Piet Koornhof – would achieve this by establishing a Tricameral Parliament, with separate junior houses for Coloureds and Indians respectively, and by expanding the powers of community councils in black townships, henceforth known as black local authorities. Because these reforms provided only superficial political representation for non-whites, they were vociferously opposed by most of the anti-apartheid movement. The first elections to black local authorities took place in late 1983 with very poor turnout; and the first elections to the Tricameral Parliament in 1984 were marred by a successful boycott campaign, spearheaded by the United Democratic Front and its affiliates.Simmering hostilities
Although the Vaal uprising marked the beginning of an open and sustained revolt, it was preceded by an "underground war" or "series of localised confrontations", for example clashes in Pietermaritzburg in 1982; in Durban and Mdantsane in 1983; and in Crossroads, Atteridgeville, Cradock, Tumahole, and the East Rand earlier in 1984. Over the same period, in Soweto and some other areas, there was a demonstrable upswing in a longstanding habit of persecution of black local councillors. The boycott of the 1984 election, held in the last week of August, was accompanied by large-scale protests, resulting in a large number of arrests. Some of the candidates for the Tricameral Parliament were also targeted in petrol bomb attacks.Course of the uprising
Black Monday: 3 September 1984
The uprising is named for the place it began: the black townships of the Vaal Triangle, an industrial area about 45 miles south of Johannesburg in Transvaal's PWV region. In this region, the Vaal Civic Association and other local activists held a series of meetings in August 1984 about proposed rent increases. On 2 September, they resolved that residents should protest the increases by refusing to pay them and by staying away – both from school and from work – the following day. Thus on 3 September protestors marched through several Vaal townships in considerable numbers, delivering their demands to the Orange Vaal Development Board. In at least three of those townships – Sharpeville, Sebokeng, and Evaton – the marches turned at an indeterminate point into riots. There were also reports of violence in Boipatong in Vaal, Tembisa on the East Rand, and Mamelodi north of Pretoria.In these areas, a number of buildings were set on fire; police were attacked with petrol bombs and bricks; roads were barricaded; and a stretch of the Golden Highway in Vereeniging was closed by police after protestors stoned cars. Six buses were set alight, and the deputy mayor of Sharpeville, Jacob Dlamini, was hacked to death in the street and then returned to his car, which was set on fire. The precise impetus for the violence is unclear. Franziska Rueedi argues that at least some of the violence was partly premeditated: although the Vaal Civic Association intended the marches to be peaceful, there were other, more militant groupings who were not committed to non-violence. She suggests that other acts of violence, including the killing of Dlamini and other black councillors, were "spontaneous and resulted from hostile interactions between crowds, police and councillors".
The South African Police responded initially with tear gas and rubber bullets, and then began using live ammunition; heavily armed reinforcements were brought in and continued to battle protestors overnight. The government reported 14 fatalities, including some as a result of police "countermeasures". The following morning – as rioting continued in Sharpeville, Sebokeng, and Evaton – figures were revised upwards to 29 fatalities and an estimated 300 injuries, including at least a handful of injured policemen. It was therefore the bloodiest day of protests in South Africa since the 1976 Soweto uprising. In 1976, however, the police had unambiguously been responsible for the overwhelming majority of deaths; in Vaal, it was clear that deaths had been caused by protestors as well as by police, though it was not clear in what proportions. Rueedi calculates that protestors killed four councillors and that the rest of the victims were shot by police.
The protests of 3 September turned into a popular uprising across several regions of the country, with many further deaths – 40 by the end of the first week. The unrest spread to Soweto, the country's largest township, the next week.
Key organisations
Key figures in the early phases of the Vaal uprising in the Vaal Triangle area were the Vaal Civic Association VCA and the Congress of South African Students. Both were affiliates of the UDF, a nationwide popular front of civic organisations which had been launched in August 1983 and which subsequently had played a leading role in boycotts of the 1984 general election. Some of the UDF's affiliates in black townships, notably in Atteridgeville, Kagiso, and Soweto, had organised local campaigns against the Koornhof Bills, and in 1983 the front had boasted that its involvement had contributed to low election turnouts at that year's council elections – though, according to Jeremy Seekings, its involvement was neither intensive nor well-organised.Most of the organisations at the forefront of the uprising considered themselves to be affiliates of the UDF, whether formally or informally. These included local civic associations as well as some national structures, such as the Release Mandela Committee. However, branches of the Azanian People's Organisation were also involved in parts of the Cape Province and Transvaal, as were various unaffiliated and relatively autonomous groups, particularly militant youth groups, many of which were formed during the course of the uprising.