Women in Palestine
Palestinian women have played an important role in the region throughout many historical changes including Ottoman control, the British Mandate, and Israeli control. Women were involved in the founding of the Palestine Liberation Organization in 1964 and the later establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1994, working to shape and redefine the roles of women in Palestine and across the Palestinian diaspora. Arab women have been involved in resistance movements in Palestine, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon throughout the 20th century and into the 21st century.
History
Before 1881
In broader societal terms, households in 19th-century Palestine were under significant pressure to maintain wealth and social standing, often requiring the consolidation of property and resources under a male lineage. Both legal and social norms reinforced the practice, which prioritized collective family interests over the individual rights of women. As Doumani notes, women were often married off strategically to cement alliances, and their inheritance rights were sometimes reduced to prevent the dispersal of family wealth. Women’s roles were further shaped by their relationships with their sons. According to Deniz Kandiyoti, women in these households relied on the loyalty of their sons, with maternal authority often linked to the ability to secure this loyalty and manage inherited property. Kandiyoti emphasizes that women’s control over property could enhance their status in the household, particularly in managing relations with other women such as daughters-in-law. However, these relationships were shaped by patriarchal norms that constrained women’s autonomy in property matters.While the broader societal context restricted women’s full control over property, clothing was an area where they held significant ownership. These textiles, often among the most valuable items in a household, were carefully preserved, reflecting their role as long-term assets. In fact, clothing was frequently more valuable than furniture in inheritance records, highlighting its importance in maintaining family wealth. In addition to their economic function, clothing also conveyed social information, signifying wealth, status, identity, and regional origin. For women, these garments represented not only personal belongings but also a form of financial security. This control over clothing, however, was distinct from broader property ownership. It offered women a measure of economic agency, though still constrained by the expectations and structures that limited their influence over other forms of wealth within the family.
In addition to clothing, land inheritance followed similar patterns shaped by patriarchal norms and economic pressures. While Islamic law theoretically granted women inheritance rights, typically at half the share of a male heir, local customs often favored male lineage, with land passed down through sons and women inheriting only if no male heirs were present. However, by the mid-1800s, shifting economic conditions, such as land consolidation and the rise of a rural middle class, complicated these practices. With growing wealth, male relatives and neighbors increasingly sought to disinherit women, often undermining their legal rights. Yet, the expansion of urban legal systems, including Islamic courts, gave women an opportunity to challenge these practices and assert their rights. Many women in rural areas, particularly in places like Nablus, resorted to these courts in hopes of securing their inheritance. Despite this, many refrained from legal action, recognizing the risk of alienating crucial male relatives whose support was necessary for managing and profiting from inherited land. As a result, women’s decisions to pursue or abandon inheritance claims were deeply influenced by family dynamics, balancing the potential legal benefits with the social costs of challenging male relatives.
Opposing Jewish settlements in Ottoman Syria
There was a shift in Palestine's social order in 1884 when women first participated alongside men in protesting against the first Jewish settlements near the town of Afulah. Between 1900 and 1910, the region of Palestine was under Ottoman rule, and Arab women initiated the creation of numerous associations and societies. These organizations were formed mostly in the larger cities, and especially in cities with large Christian populations such as Jaffa, Jerusalem, Haifa, and Acre.In March 1920, twenty-nine women from northern Palestine wrote to the region’s chief administrator, voicing their concerns and understanding of the consequences of the Balfour Declaration. "We have read your declarations concerning the Jewish settlement in our country and making it their national home,” they stated. “As this right is detrimental to us in every way... we Moslem and Christian ladies who represent other ladies of Palestine protest vigorously against these declarations that cause the sub-division of our country."
Also in the 1920s, the policies of the British Mandate and Zionist immigration led to growing nationalist sentiments. National struggle mobilized educated middle and upper-class women to form the first Palestinian Women’s Union in Jerusalem in 1921. Large demonstrations demanding the repeal of the Balfour Declaration and limiting Zionist immigration to Palestine were organized and attended by women, who feared encroachment on Palestinian land.
On October 29, 1929, the first Women’s Conference was convened in Jerusalem with an audience of hundreds of women. Attendees would organize future programs, such as demonstrations, spreading leaflets, and sit-ins, all to protest British Mandatory policies.
During the 1936 to 1939 Arab revolt in Palestine, many Palestinians revolted against the British administration, calling for an end to British rule and the end of Jewish immigration. Women’s movements during this period coordinated with national movements to boycott foreign and Zionist products, organize protests against British and Zionist threats, smuggle arms past British Army checkpoints, and organize relief efforts for families of men who were imprisoned. Men were not allowed to move as freely as women, thus many women acted as couriers, collecting money to further fund the nationalist movement. Certain women were also trained in how to handle a rifle and at times, although rarely, women engaged in armed conflict against the British, leading some to be wounded or killed.
Arab Women's Association of Palestine
In 1929, Palestinian women created a society known as the Arab Women's Association of Palestine, which was based in Jerusalem. The society held demonstrations against the Palestinian Jewish settlements. Due to a lack of funding and social and political pressure that was put on the Association's members, the group ceased to exist after two years. Women formed a 'rescue committee' to collect donations in order to revive it.1929 Palestine riots
In the 1929 Palestine riots, women participated in multiple protests and demonstrations, sometimes resulting in women being killed by the British Mandate forces. They organized a Women's Conference, where they sent a protest letter to King George V and the League of Nations.Founding of the State of Israel
Following the creation of the state of Israel in 1948, Palestinian women faced many new obstacles. The displacement and loss of land for Palestinians created economic issues, which in turn created a demand for women in the workforce despite social restrictions at the time.Following the establishment of the Palestine Liberation Organization in 1964, women helped create the group known as the Palestinian Women’s Association, which allowed women to take part in the first session of the Palestinian National Council that was held in Jerusalem in 1964.
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
The Israeli–Palestinian conflict has seriously affected Palestinian women. Since the beginning of the 20th century and subsequent Israeli-Palestinian Conflicts, Palestinian women have been closely linked to national self-determination; thus, the Palestinian women’s movement grew in tandem with Palestinian national movements. During these struggles for national self-determination, many women’s movements have taken pragmatic steps towards demanding their rights, often choosing to override women’s liberation for support of nationalist causes. At a time in which participation mattered the most, they seized the opportunity to enhance their skills of organization, conduct military operations, and plan changes in family law to secure their status in a future state if they were to establish one successfully.Women and anti-Israel movements
In the aftermath of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, many Palestinians were expelled from their homes leading many to find refuge in other nations such as Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. Following the Nakba, many women were concerned about their own survival, which led to a decline in women’s public activity. The Nakba forced the women’s movement, which continued in the 50s and 60s, to expand its outreach to support families in desperation. The Palestinian Women’s Union established orphanages, health clinics, and first-aid centers in the West Bank. Politically, many joined political organizations such as the Jordanian Communist Party, the Arab Nationalist Movement, and other underground political parties during this period of exile. The women who occupied these political movements were generally those of the middle class, as limitations from socio-economic pressures hampered their ability to branch out their movements to poorer neighborhoods and refugee camps. Nevertheless, the role of women in these parties was oftentimes limited as very few attained leadership roles, and many were pushed into social service sectors; the aspect of women’s liberation was given little attention in these movements.File:Leila Khaled rised punch.jpg|thumb|Political activist, Leila Khaled, raising a fist with the Palestinian flag in the background, 2017
Following the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel gained control of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. During this occupation of once-Palestinian land, Israel implemented structural changes that changed the socio-economic lives of the population, resulting in Palestine’s economy depending heavily on Israel’s economy. The women of Palestine now faced a triple form of oppression through class, gender, and nationality. Amid escalating tensions, women like Leila Khaled became involved in the Palestinian Resistance Movement, participating in military and political activities. The PRM still implemented a strict division of labor between men and women and between the young and old. Women were sometimes assigned to duties such as providing food and uniforms for soldiers, although younger members were sent to camps to be trained in armed struggle while older women filled administrative roles. Elsewhere, another movement emerged, one different from the strategies of previous organizations, one that sought to effectively mobilize those from universities, villages, and refugee camps. Announced in 1978 on International Women’s Day, the Women's Work Committee came to represent an association willing to develop a strategy to combine national liberation and women's liberation. The founders of the committee were disappointed in the actions of previous charitable societies as they had failed to educate the general population; to rectify this issue, they launched programs promoting literacy, health education, as well as classes teaching embroidery. Further aiding those of a working-class background, they started daycare centers to allow them to continue working as their children were being cared for.
In the early 1980s, the Women’s Work Committee would split into four separate committees as a result of differing political agendas and ideologies. The largest of these organizations was the Federation of Palestinian Women’s Action Committees which aligned itself with the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine. The Union of Palestinian Working Women’s Committee supported the Palestinian Communist Party, and the remaining organizations were the Union of Palestinian Women’s Committees and the Women’s Committee for Social Work. Due to opposing views and strategies on organizing, each organization attracted different members of society; for example, the UPWWC organized mainly working women while the UPWC concentrated on more educated middle-class members, and the WCSW was more alike to the charitable societies that provided services to women rather than mobilizing them politically.
In the midst of the First Intifada, all four of the Women’s committees began to mobilize their members to sustain the Intifada, calling for their liberation if they were to implement a free Palestinian state successfully. The daycare centers were opened longer to allow mothers to participate in the uprising and health education began to offer classes on first aid to use on the victims of the Israeli army. These committees would take up the call of the Unified National Leadership of the Uprising to entice those unwilling to participate in the demonstrations. Organizing marches, promoting boycotts, and confronting soldiers allowed women of all ages to participate, leading some to become victims, either imprisoned or killed by shots from Israeli troops, gas inhalation, or beatings. During the 1988 International Women’s Day march, slogans calling for both an independent state and women’s liberation were used simultaneously. On the same day, a joint effort by all four of the committees participated in a program calling women to join popular committees, trade unions, boycotts, and encouraging a ‘home economy’ built off locally produced food and clothing. Although serving a role in the uprising, the call for women’s liberation was sidelined for the national movement as the UNLU would exclude women from participating in demonstrations and retained an attitude that was viewed as conservative and condescending.