Mautam
Mautâm is a cyclic ecological phenomenon that occurs every 48–50 years in the northeastern Indian states of Tripura, Mizoram and Manipur, as well as in many places of Assam which are 30% covered by wild bamboo forests, and Chin State in Myanmar, particularly Hakha, Thantlang, Falam, Paletwa and Matupi Townships. It begins with a rat population boom, which in turn creates a widespread famine in those areas.
During mautâm, Melocanna baccifera, a species of bamboo, flowers at one time across a wide area. This event is followed invariably by a plague of black rats in what is called a rat flood. The bamboo flowering brings a temporary windfall of seeds, and rats multiply, exhaust the bamboo seeds, leave the forests, forage on stored grain, and cause devastating famine.
Regular rodent outbreaks associated with bamboo flowering also occur in the nearby Indian states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, and Nagaland, as well as in Laos, Japan, Madagascar, and South America. Thingtâm, a similar famine, occurs with the flowering of another species of bamboo, Bambusa tulda.
Characteristics
There are two version of these famines. Both concern bamboo plants, one species known as Mau and another known as Thing hence the two famines being known as Mautam and Thingtam. Mautam and thingtam have been observed to strictly alternate, with a gap of 18 years from mautam to thingtam and a gap of 30 years from thingtam to mautam. Local knowledge on the phenomenon describe the swarming of an insect called thangang preceding all instances of mautam. Zoologists believe that the flowering of the bamboo attracts the migration of insects into the region hence acting as a signal.Recorded instances of mautam include 1864, 1910–1912, 1958–1959, and 2007–2008 and those of thingtam include 1880–1884, 1928–1929, and 1976–1977. The next predicted events if this pattern continues are thingtam in 2025–2026 and mautam in 2055–2056.
In 1911 under Superintendent F.C Henniker, the missionary James Herbert Lorrain and Mizo elders, a report on the full extent of mautam and bamboo and associated indigenous knowledge was compiled. The different species of bamboo in the Lushai Hills were recorded and differentiated.
History
Precolonial mautam
Due to the cyclical nature of mautam and thingtam occurring, there is little doubt about famines occurring before 1860. It is speculated for this reason, previous inhabitants of the Lushai Hills left or evacuated due to the pressure of food insecurity.1860-1861 mautam famine
The British took notice of the changes in the Lushai Hills around the time of the first recorded mautam in 1860. The British described the bulky survivors as lean and thin beyond description. The observations were validated with a supporting report from Manipur detailing the effects of mautam. Apart from standard observation, the British elaborate little on the early mautam famine. The bamboo flowering affected the Lushai Hills, southern Manipur and the Cachar region. Colonel McCulloch of Manipur reported as early as 1858 on the mass flowering of bamboo and how an increase in rodent population had led to unrest in the region. The onset of the 1860 mautam famine led to the decline and dissolution of Old Tualte, a famous settlement of 1000 households under Chief Vanhnuailiana.1881-1882 thingtam famine
The onset of the mautam famine in 1881 led to the end of the East-West War. An immigration of 80 families and around 400 people immigrated out of Khalkam's settlement into the plains. The settlers under Khalkam who belonged to the Rangte subclan arrived in Cachar and settled near the Dharmakal tea estate. Their arrival was followed by another mass migration of men from the chiefs Poiboi, Lalhai and Chunglena. Countless areas such as Tipaimukh, Jalnacherra, Akai settlement, and Hailakandi Valley were settled by Lushai refugees, with some even arriving in rafts from the Tlawng River. The arrival of the refugees alarmed the British administration, whose tea planters considered them synonymous with raiders. The immigrants were investigated and revealed their intention to trade all their products in return for food and rice. Several chiefs sold out their ivory jewellery, guns and rubber deposits from the trees after their jhums had been exhausted. The immigrants themselves traded all their products, such as bamboo, cane and rubber, in return for food. The Western chiefs under Khalkam met with the Eastern chiefs under Poiboi and Lalhai to end the conflict and jointly request British aid for the famine. The upas of the chiefs met with Knox Wight, the deputy commissioner of Cachar. The famine also oversaw a large immigration of Lushais from the hills into regions such as Cachar and Chittagong to offset the famine's effects. Some individuals even agreed to partake as coolies in return for regular payments in rice. As a result, the local officers of Cachar and Chittagong forwarded the matter to Shillong and Calcutta. As a result, the Government of India authorised the Chief Commissioner to take the necessary steps.The Assistance Commissioner of Cachar, Mr Place and Rai Bahadur Hari Charan Sarma visited the Lushai Hills to report the amount of rice aid required through the observable population. Rai Bahadur was acquainted with the Lushai and knew of their language, customs and their chiefs. Rai Habadur left on 11 November 1881 to conduct a survey of the population. Midway through November the upas from chiefs Lalsavenga, Sailenpui, Banaitangi and Lengpunga met with Rai Bahadur with requests for food. Apart from the rice paddies, the rats had devoured their grain storages as well. Interviews with refugees in Jalnacherra revealed their previous settlement under chieftainess Pibuk before moving to Banaitangi and Ratanpui upon her death. The refugees requested permission to jhum on British territory but were not permitted to do so. He met with an encampment of 100 households at Pakuacherra who had been without food for two days. Further on his survey, Rai Bahadur met with 100 men on 15 bamboo rafts with sick malnourished children. Ratanpui's settlement of 600 people was reported to be surviving off of leaves, roots and fruits. The chiefs wished the riverine bazaars and traders to reopen their markets and sell them food, which they could repay with the next jhum harvest. Rai Bahadur was appointed in charge of famine relief operations. His experience in famine relief described the deaths of many, the emaciation of the elderly and children and the number of individuals leaving their settlements to the plains to secure better sources of food. His subsequent reports would state that no alternative form of food is available for the Lushais whose crops were destroyed. A report detailed a population of 30,000 in the South Lushai Hills, when accounting for smaller diets in children the number was closed in to 20,000. According to the calculations of half a seer of rice per head, 22500 maunds of rice are required for a period of three months.
British intelligence reports from J. Knox Wight hinted at the desperation of tribes to prepare raiding on the bordering settlements in Cachar, Tripura and Manipur. Further insight revealed that many of the older generations and chiefs were against this way of procuring food. The British provided relief to the refugees but considered the possibility of invading the Lushai Hills and ending all future hostilities the raiders might bring once more. Points against the invasion included helping the chiefs form good relations with the British, preventing permanent settlements of refugees in British territory, requiring the foresight of the Government of India in regard to territory changes and the futility of past expeditions in conquering tribes in the unfamiliar terrain. The British found it advantageous to advance into the Lushai Hills under friendly overtures to study the geography, culture and politics of the unknown frontier. Rai Bahadur supported this plan of action as he was sympathetic to the plight of the Lushais under famine.
The next harvest for the Lushai Hills was estimated to be July 1882. Rai Bahadur further requested aid from the Government of India who obliged. As a result, a budget of r 50,000 was granted for relief operations. Rai Bahadur made suggestions which were followed through, including two warehouses of rice. Each warehouse would have a capacity of storing 1000 maunds of rice paddy. The government of Assam also gave orders to the mirasdars and other well off cultivators to redirect their rice to the Lushai Hills aid relief operations. The rice was awarded to Lushai individuals as loans by the British. Able-bodied Lushai were to be employed as coolies working on the construction of roads in return for payments in rice. The Cachar side famine relief supplied 20,000 maunds of paddy.
The Chittagong frontier under the Government of Bengal also supported famine relief operations. The Lushai-Kukis in the Chittagong Hill Tracts were also suffering from the local effects of mautam. With the support of F. Knox Wight, the Chief Commissioner of Shillong contacted the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, Sir Bailey who agreed to help. All of the officers of the Government of Bengal were in agreement on the policy forward with an exception of John Edgar the chief secretary. The lieutenant governor of Bengal, Sir Bayley authorised officers for the creation of grain storages at Demagiri and other stations. The reasoning for the policy centred around an interest to maintain friendly relations with the Lushai frontier. Furthermore, the aid policy would enable the British to bypass the upas of the chiefs and establish karbaris with the chiefs instead. Karbaris were established with the Howlong chiefs and supplied with an allowance. Further reports into the famine, led to the government constructing a map of the affected areas. The famine had affected nearly all of the hills and the encompassed Howlong, Sailo, Thangluaha and Reangs. On 5 March 1882, E. Lowie submitted a report detailing about 3000 houses requiring aid which would amount up to 14000 maunds total. Grain storages were established across sits such as Demagiri, Kassalong, and Fiskisiva.