Keelmen
In British history, Keelmen were men who worked aboard keels ferrying coal along the rivers Tyne and Wear to collier ships moored out to sea. Keels were large barge-like vessels which were needed because the shallowness of both rivers barred access to larger vessels. The keelmen formed a close-knit and colourful community until their eventual demise late in the nineteenth century.
Beginnings of the coal trade
Coal began to be exported from the River Tyne from the mid-thirteenth century onwards. The first recorded shipment of coal from the River Wear was in 1396. The pits from which coal was then exported were near the riverside so that as little effort as possible was required to load it. The coal was carried to London and elsewhere in colliers; small wooden sailing ships that sailed down the east coast. At this time neither the Tyne nor the Wear were easily navigable for ships of significant draught. The mouth of the Tyne was obstructed by Herd Sands, Bellehues Rock and a bar that ran across the mouth of the river. Further up river a ship might run aground in various shallows and the stone bridge at Newcastle prevented colliers from reaching coal deposits further up river. Both rivers were very shallow near the banks, which made the approach difficult so coal was loaded into the shallow-draught keels to transport it down river.The keels
The keels were wooden boats with a pointed stern, so that the bow and stern looked almost the same. They were of shallow draught so that when fully loaded they drew only four and a half feet. The keels were forty feet long and at least 19 feet wide amidships: a very broad configuration. They were carvel-built and generally of oak, often with elm used below the waterline. In 1266 the standard load of a keel was set at 20 chaldrons or approximately 17 tons. After 1497 the keel load was frequently increased, until in 1635 it was set at 21.1 tons. A chaldron was a horse-drawn wagon containing 17 cwt of coal. Keels were supposed to be measured by the Kings Commissioners and given a load mark to show when they were full.Early keels were propelled with a large oar, handled by all the crew except the skipper; they had no rudder and were steered by a second oar or "swape" over the stern. The crew worked with the flow of the river tides where practicable. Later the oars were supplemented by a mast with a square sail attached to a yard, and latterly with a large spritsail and staysail, though the oars were still used to row when the wind was not favourable. There were also two eighteen-foot, iron-shod poles for polling the keel through any shallows. The floor of the hold was only two feet below the gunwale to allow for easy loading. The coal was piled high above the top of the hold with wooden boards used to prevent the cargo from sliding. Each keel was manned by a skipper, two crewmen and a boy, known as a 'pee dee' 'P. D.' or 'paydee'. While it has been stated that the meaning of this title is unknown, it might have developed from an earlier use of 'peedee' meaning "footboy", or "groom", from Latin pede, "on foot". As the railways started to take away the keelmen's trade, most skippers discontinued the employment of a boy to save on their salary. The two crewmen were invariably called the 'bullies'. Many keels had a small after-cabin or "huddick", fitted with a stove, where the crew could sleep.
Work and conditions
Keelmen loaded coal into the keel's hold from a "spout" or riverside chute. The keel would then be taken down river on the ebb tide using oars, or sail if the wind was favourable, and taken alongside the waiting collier where the crew would shovel the coal into the collier, working even after darkness. This could be arduous due to the difference in height between the keel's gunwale and the collier's deck. When keelmen struck in 1819 one of their demands was an extra shilling per keel per foot that the side of the collier exceeded five feet. After a time colliers were constructed in such a manner as to make it easier to load coal into them. After loading the keelmen would return for another load if there was daytime left and tides allowed. They were paid by the "tide"; i.e. by each trip between the ship and the staith, irrespective of distance. By the mid 19th century the usual fee was one guinea, including loading, which the keel's owner would split amongst the three crew in nearly equal shares, retaining only around 8d. per tide over and above the other shares. Before the railways began to harm the trade, a keel owner would expect to make around ten "tides" a week.Keelmen were traditionally bound to employment for a year, the binding day normally being Christmas Day but employment tended to be seasonal with hardly any work in winter. The availability of work was often affected by the weather, if ships were unable to come into the river, and also by the supply of coal from the pits. Strikes might affect output and wily pit owners would sometimes curtail production to keep prices high. As a result, keelmen could spend long periods without work, during which they would have to live on credit or find employment in clearing wrecks and sand banks from the river. The Tyneside keelmen formed an independent society in 1556 but were never incorporated, probably because the Newcastle Hostmen feared their becoming too powerful. The Wearside keelmen were finally incorporated by Act of Parliament in 1792.
The Tyneside keelmen lived in the Sandgate area, outside the city walls, one of the poorest and most overcrowded parts of the city, made up of many narrow alleys. John Baillie, writing in the late 18th century, said that they "live almost entirely upon flesh-meat and flour, of the best kinds, which their strong exertions in their employment require." They were known by some as a close-knit group of aggressive, hard-drinking men: John Wesley, after visiting Newcastle, described them as much given to drunkenness and swearing. Baillie said that this reputation was entirely undeserved: the keelmen had a "rough" way of expressing themselves, and were loud and vociferous "from the practice of hailing one another on the river, especially in the night tides", but "they scorn to show what they think incivility or rudeness to any person". Despite this, in the mid 19th century they were described as "a proverbially unintelligent, ignorant and intemperate set of men. One keelman, it used to be said, could drink out three pitmen".
For their Sunday best clothing the keelmen often wore a distinctive blue coat or short blue jacket: this was accompanied by a flat-brimmed black hat, yellow waistcoat and white shirt, and legwear described as either slate-grey trousers or blue stockings and flannel breeches. In the 18th century keelmen were identifiable by the blue bonnet many of them wore at work, later replaced by a sou'wester. In the 1840s they were described as wearing "a peculiar costume, consisting of a large jacket, or rather doublet, with loose breeches, made very wide at the knee, and not descending further". The trade of keelmen tended to be passed on from father to son, the son working as an apprentice on a keel until considered old enough and strong enough to be a crewman. Most men were unfit to continue the physically very demanding work into their forties. By 1700 there were 1,600 keelmen working on the Tyne in 400 keels. Not all were local: there was a significant number of Scottish keelmen who returned home in the winter when trade was slack.
Disputes with the Hostmen
The Tyneside keelmen were employed by the Newcastle Hostmen and were often in dispute with their employers. They went on strike in 1709, 1710, 1740 and 1750. One grievance held by the keelmen was that the Hostmen, in order to avoid custom duties, would deliberately overload the keels. Duty was paid on each keel-load, so that it paid the owner to load as much coal as possible. This meant that the keel-load gradually increased from 16 tons in 1600 to 21.25 tons in 1695. As the keelmen were paid by the keel-load, they had to work considerably harder for the same pay. Even after the keel-load had been standardised, there were cases of keel owners illegally enlarging the holds to carry more coal, as much as 26.5 tons. In 1719 and 1744, the Tyneside keelmen went on strike in protest at this 'overmeasure'. The 1750 strike was also against 'overmeasure', as well as against 'can-money', the practice of paying part of the keelmen's wages in drink that had to be consumed at 'can-houses', pubs owned by the employers. The 1750 strike also contained a late Jacobite proclamation, said to have been encouraged by an Edinburgh lawyer.Expansion of the Wear coal trade
The coal export trade from the Wear was slow to develop, but by the seventeenth century there was a thriving trade in exporting coal from the Durham coalfield via the River Wear. The tonnage however was much smaller than on the Tyne; in 1609, 11,648 tons were exported from the Wear compared with 239,000 tons exported from the Tyne. This imbalance changed dramatically during the English Civil War because of the Parliamentarian blockade of the Tyne and their encouragement of the Wearside merchants to make up for the subsequent shortfall in coal for London. Coal exports from the Wear increased by an enormous amount, causing a similar increase in the number of keelmen employed on the river. By time of the Restoration in 1660, trade on the Tyne had recovered, but the river was now only exporting a third more coal than the Wear.The Keelmen's Hospital
In 1699 the keelmen of Newcastle decided to build the Keelmen's Hospital, a charitable foundation for sick and aged keelmen and their families. The keelmen agreed to contribute one penny a tide from the wages of each keel's crew and Newcastle Corporation made land available in Sandgate. The hospital was completed in 1701 at a cost of £2,000. It consisted of fifty chambers giving onto a cloister enclosing a grass court. One matter of contention relating to the hospital was that the funds for its maintenance were kept in the control of the Hostmen, lest they be used as a strike fund by the keelmen. The hospital building remains in City Road, Newcastle, and was used for student accommodation until the early 21st century.The building was placed on the Heritage at Risk register in 2009. It stood vacant since the closure of the student accommodation. In 2026, after receipt of a £4.6m grant from the National Lottery, the city council announced plans to convert the building into 20 affordable housing units. The hospital is a Grade II* listed building.