National Congress for the Defence of the People
The National Congress for the Defence of the People was a Congolese Rwandan-backed paramilitary rebel group active in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo during the Kivu conflict. Established on 26 July 2006 by Laurent Nkunda in North Kivu Province, the CNDP emerged as the immediate successor to the Congolese Rally for Democracy–Goma, another Rwandan-sponsored rebel faction. With strong military and financial ties to Rwanda, the CNDP positioned itself as a defender of the Tutsi population and claimed to be combating the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, a pretext it used to challenge President Joseph Kabila's government while engaging in the illicit extraction and commercialization of natural resources.
In 2002, Nkunda served as RCD-Goma's brigade commander in Kisangani. By early 2003, he inaugurated the political movement Synergie pour la paix et la concorde. The RCD-Goma remained active until a 2003 peace deal in South Africa led to a transitional government and the goal of unifying the country by integrating all major armed groups into a national army. However, fearing marginalization under Kabila's administration, the RCD-Goma sought to preserve its influence. Nkunda was appointed as the group's commander in North Kivu but declined to attend his swearing-in in Kinshasa, citing security concerns. Analysts suggested Rwanda positioned Nkunda as a proxy to retain its control over the eastern DRC. In December 2003, Synergie pour la paix et la concorde was formalized in Bukavu and established its operational base in Goma. Tensions escalated after the February 2004 arrest of Officer Joseph Kasongo in South Kivu for his alleged involvement in the assassination of President Laurent-Désiré Kabila. Clashes between the army and the RCD-Goma erupted, culminating in a ten-day siege of Bukavu, after which Nkunda's forces retreated. By December 2004, internal schisms within the RCD-Goma deteriorated when local Hutu leaders issued letters condemning the manipulation of Banyarwanda identity and pledging loyalty to the central government. This division prompted North Kivu's Governor Eugène Serufuli to shift allegiance to Kinshasa, signaling the decline of the RCD-Goma's influence. By mid-2005, Nkunda's network had grown as former RCD-Goma commanders defected to his cause. On 8 September 2005, he accused the government of ethnic cleansing in North Kivu and called for its removal by force. The same year, many ex-RCD-Goma soldiers defected to Nkunda's ranks amid the ongoing military integration process known as brassage. The government issued an arrest warrant for Nkunda, and in late 2005, the first major confrontation between defectors and national forces took place in Rutshuru Territory.
In early 2006, Nkunda reinforced his ranks by recruiting General Bosco Ntaganda, who would later be appointed Chief of Staff of the newly constituted CNDP. The group was officially established on 26 July 2006, with Nkunda as both Chairman and Supreme Commander. Despite the outcome of the 2006 elections, which saw Kabila's coalition secure significant victories in the Kivus, Nkunda's ambitions remained unmet. The CNDP launched a major offensive on Sake in November 2006, but the Congolese army's disarray allowed them to inch closer to Goma, forcing MONUC peacekeepers to intervene. The ensuing peace talks, mediated by Rwanda, resulted in a peace agreement that integrated CNDP fighters into the national army. However, the integration process, known as mixage, failed by August 2007, as it led to severe human rights violations, particularly against the Hutu population. By December 2007, the government launched an unsuccessful military operation against the CNDP, culminating in a decisive CNDP victory at Mushaki. Despite efforts to broker peace through the Goma Conference on 23 January 2008, CNDP abandoned the process. By mid-2008, the Congolese army suffered heavy defeats, and CNDP captured Masisi and Rutshuru territories. International pressure led to the Ihusi Agreement in January 2009, after which Ntaganda removed Nkunda as the CNDP's leader following his arrest in Rwanda. The CNDP was officially integrated into the Congolese military in March 2009, marking the dissolution of the group.
History
Origins and background
The CNDP's origins can be traced to the complex political and military dynamics that unfolded in the DRC following the Rwandan government's fallout with Laurent-Désiré Kabila in 1998. The deterioration of relations stemmed from ethnic tensions and suspicions that Congolese Tutsis were aligned with Rwanda's interests rather than those of the DRC. In response, Rwanda sought to establish a new rebellion, employing a distinct strategy in North Kivu. This approach involved courting influential Congolese Hutu leaders to distance them from exiled Rwandan Hutus, particularly génocidaires and soldiers loyal to the former Rwandan regime, who aimed to reclaim power. This rebellion materialized as the Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie-Goma, which ignited a protracted conflict in the Kivu region. The RCD-Goma, alongside Rwandan troops, engaged in counterinsurgency operations against the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda and Mai-Mai militias aligned with Congolese government. Reports suggested that the United States provided military support to Rwanda in the lead-up to the Second Congo War, potentially motivated by strategic interests in the DRC's vast natural resources. A U.S. Army Rwanda Interagency Assessment Team was deployed to Rwanda in July 1998 to train Rwandan units, a move that coincided with the outbreak of hostilities in the DRC. American photojournalist and war correspondent Keith Harmon Snow alleged that Roger Winter, a key figure in the U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants, orchestrated U.S.-endorsed insurgencies in Congo and neighboring states, including Rwanda, Sudan, and Uganda. During this period, tensions also emerged between Rwandan Defence Force and Congolese Tutsi officers. While the Rwandan government regarded these officers as part of its military due to prior training and collaboration, many Congolese Tutsi officers insisted they had only fought in the Rwandan army to "liberate" the DRC. A notable example of this friction was the Murekezi mutiny in May 1997, following the First Congo War. After the overthrow of President Mobutu Sese Seko, Rwanda withdrew its troops from the DRC and encouraged Congolese Tutsis from North and South Kivu to follow. This directive aroused suspicion within the Congolese Tutsi community, which, despite its reliance on Rwandan protection, maintained a strong sense of independence. Lieutenant Murekezi, a Tutsi from Masisi, led a mutiny against the withdrawal, arguing that Congolese Tutsis should not be compelled to relocate to Rwanda. His rebellion was met with a severe response, culminating in his execution by a Rwandan commander in Goma in November 1997. Many of his followers were either killed, imprisoned, or later redeployed to the DRC under demoted and demoralized conditions. Several future CNDP and M23 officers, including Christian Pay-Pay, Faustin Muhindo, Baudouin Ngaruye, Claude Micho, and Wilson Nsengiyumva, were associated with this mutiny.In early 2003, General Laurent Nkunda, a Congolese Tutsi who had served as the RCD's brigade commander in Kisangani, where the group was implicated in the May 2002 massacre of over 160 civilians, launched a political movement called Synergy for Peace and Harmony. The RCD-Goma rebellion persisted until 2003 when a peace deal signed in South Africa established a transitional government designed to unify the country by merging all major armed groups into a single national army. However, the CNDP emerged as a direct consequence of flaws in the transition process. The RCD-Goma feared marginalization under President Joseph Kabila's administration and sought to consolidate its influence. During this period, Nkunda was nominated as the RCD's commander in North Kivu but refused to travel to Kinshasa for his swearing-in, citing security concerns. Analysts speculated that Rwanda was positioning Nkunda as a proxy to maintain influence in eastern DRC. As part of the military integration process, the RCD-Goma recalled many of its Banyarwanda commanders to North Kivu to consolidate control. These commanders formed the 81st, 82nd, and 83rd Brigades, which dominated Masisi and Walikale and later became the core of Nkunda's forces. In December 2003, Synergie pour la paix et la concorde was formalized in Bukavu before establishing an operational base in Goma.
Early clashes
Tensions escalated in February 2004 when the RCD-Goma's Major Joseph Kasongo, who had been sentenced to death in absentia for his alleged role in the assassination of President Laurent-Désiré Kabila in 2001, was arrested by General Prosper Nabyolwa, a Kabila loyalist. In response, the RCD-Goma's senior commander in Bukavu, Colonel Jules Mutebutsi, launched an attack against Nabyolwa, leading to his replacement by General Mbuza Mabe. In May 2004, open conflict erupted when government forces targeted Tutsi officers, culminating in the execution of approximately 15 Tutsi civilians, including minors. This development led to accusations of genocide by the Rwandan government and Nkunda, who mobilized his network of RCD-Goma loyalists in North Kivu. With logistical support from Rwanda, including arms shipments across Lake Kivu, Nkunda and his forces advanced on Bukavu. The battle for the city lasted ten days but severely destabilized the transition process. Although international pressure forced Nkunda to retreat, political and military hostilities intensified. RCD-Goma leader Azarias Ruberwa subsequently suspended the group's participation in the transitional government, prompting Kinshasa to deploy thousands of reinforcements to eastern DRC to enforce military integration.In December 2004, a group of Hutu military officers and local leaders issued letters condemning the manipulation of Banyarwanda identity and expressing allegiance to the central government. This exposed a historical rift between different factions within the RCD-Goma. Many of the signatories, including Goma Mayor Xavier Nzabara and Colonel Janvier Mayanga, had previously fought against Rwandan troops between 1996 and 1998. In response to these divisions, Eugène Serufuli Ngayabaseka, the North Kivu's Governor, shifted his allegiance to Kinshasa, stating that the RCD-Goma no longer had a future. His defection concerned both Nkunda and his Rwandan backers. In mid-2005, General James Kabarebe, Rwanda's Chief of Defence Staff, instructed high-ranking ex-RCD-Goma officers to ensure Nkunda's protection as he prepared to return to the DRC. Operating from Kitchanga, the headquarters of the 83rd Brigade, Nkunda began rallying former RCD-Goma commanders to defect from the national army. On 8 September 2005, Nkunda issued a statement accusing the government of orchestrating ethnic cleansing in North Kivu and calling for its removal by force. His announcement effectively signaled the beginning of a new rebellion. At the time, the Congolese military was undergoing brassage, an integration program that required soldiers to complete a 45-day training before being deployed to a region different from where they had previously fought. As part of the process, soldiers also had the option to demobilize and return to civilian life. Fearing deployment outside the Kivus, many ex-RCD-Goma troops defected to Nkunda's ranks. By the end of 2005, a significant portion of the 82nd Brigade had joined him, while elements of the 81st and 83rd Brigades refused integration and coalesced under his leadership. Bwiza camp became the site where senior officers received training in military strategy and ideology. Among them were all the battalion commanders who had previously defected from the brassage process. The first training program, known as the Senior Officer Leadership Course, was followed by the Officer Management Course, for which the Rwandan government provided a management book. From the initial group of graduates at Bwiza, Nkunda formed a new high command capable of making key military decisions. To manage daily operations, he established an état major and began reorganizing his forces into a structured brigade and battalion system.
Frightened by Nkunda's growing influence, the government issued an arrest warrant against him on 7 September 2005. The first major confrontation between defectors and national forces occurred in late 2005 in Rutshuru Territory, a former RCD-Goma stronghold. Lieutenant Colonel Shé Kasikila, commander of the newly integrated brigade, initiated security operations to recover weapons distributed to civilians by ex-RCD-Goma officials. He immediately began cordon-and-search missions to retrieve the weapons. Kasikila was vocal in condemning Tutsi and Rwandan involvement in the DRC and played a key role in uncovering mass graves containing the victims of massacres carried out by the Rwandan army and its Congolese allies during the First Congo War. Some defectors who later joined the CNDP accused Kasikila of systematically abusing Banyarwanda, though the extent of these abuses was likely exaggerated and may have been used as a pretext to provoke unrest. Nkunda's forces responded with violent reprisals, attempting to assassinate Kasikila and launching an offensive that drove government forces out of Rutshuru. Serufuli condemned Nkunda's actions in a public communiqué. Soon after, Colonel David Rugayi, a Hutu officer leading the 83rd Brigade, defected with over 1,400 soldiers, joining the national army. A few months later, Colonel Smith Gihanga, the commander of the 81st Brigade, followed suit. This resulted in Nkunda losing his two most critical Hutu officers, effectively dismantling the Hutu-Tutsi alliance that had been central to RCD-Goma's success in North Kivu.