Herut
Herut was the major conservative nationalist political party in Israel from 1948 until its formal merger into Likud in 1988. It was an adherent of Revisionist Zionism.
Early years
Foundation and platform
Herut was founded by Menachem Begin on 15 June 1948 as a successor to the Revisionist Irgun, a militant group in Mandate Palestine. The new party was a challenge to the Hatzohar party established by Ze'ev Jabotinsky. Herut also established an eponymous newspaper, with many of its founding journalists defecting from Hatzohar's HaMashkif.Objection to withdrawal of the Israel Defense Forces and negotiations with Arab states formed the party's main platform in the first Knesset election. The party vigorously opposed the ceasefire agreements with the Arab states until the annexation of Gaza Strip and the West Bank, both before and after the election. Herut differentiated itself by refusing to recognise the legitimacy of the Kingdom of Jordan after the armistice, and frequently used the slogan "Two banks of the Jordan River" in claiming Israel's right to the whole of Eretz Israel/Palestine because of their historical significance in religious Jewish texts. According to Joseph Heller, Herut was a one-issue party intent on expanding Israel's borders.
Herut's socio-economic platform represented a clear shift to the right, with support for private initiative, but also for legislation preventing the trusts from exploiting workers. Begin was at first careful not to appear anti-socialist, stressing his opposition to monopolies and trusts, and also demanding that "all public utility works and basic industries must be nationalized". Herut was from the outset inclined to sympathise with the underdog, and, according to Hannah Torok Yablonka, "tended to serve as a lodestone for society's misfits".
1949 elections
Herut's political expectations were high as the first election approached in 1949. It took credit for driving the British government out and as a young movement, reflecting the esprit of the nation, it perceived its image as being more attractive than the old establishment. They hoped to win 25 seats, which would place them second and make them leader of the opposition, with potential for a future gain of government power. This analysis was shared by other parties. At the elections, Herut only won 14 seats with 11.5 percent of the votes, making it the fourth-largest party in the Knesset; Hatzohar, on the other hand, failed to cross the electoral threshold of 1 percent and disbanded shortly thereafter.Opposition to Herut
Though practical differences between the two parties were less dramatic than the rhetoric suggested, both the Labor Zionist establishment and the opposition Herut emphasised those differences to mobilise their voters.The hostility between Begin and Israel's first Prime Minister, the Mapai leader David Ben-Gurion, which had begun over the Altalena Affair, was evident in the Knesset. Ben-Gurion coined the phrase "without Herut and Maki", a reference to his position that he would include any party in his coalition, except those two. In fact, Herut was approached at least three times by Mapai for government negotiations; Begin turned down each offer, suspecting that they were designed to divide his party. The ostracism also expressed itself in the Prime Minister's refusal to refer to Begin by name from the Knesset Podium, using instead the phrase "the person who sits next to M. K. Badar", and boycotting his Knesset speeches.
Ben-Gurion's policy of ostracising Revisionism was performed systematically, as seen in the legal exclusion of fallen Irgun and Lehi fighters from public commemoration and from benefits to their families. Herut members were excluded from the highest bureaucratic and military positions.
File:Albert Einstein and others letter.jpg|thumb|An open letter to The New York Times. The letter was signed by over twenty prominent Jewish intellectuals, including Albert Einstein, Hannah Arendt, Zellig Harris, and Sidney Hook.
Herut also met fierce resistance from the broader Jewish diaspora. When Begin visited New York City in December 1948 over twenty prominent Jewish intellectuals, including Albert Einstein, Hannah Arendt, Zellig Harris, and Sidney Hook signed an open letter to The New York Times. The letter condemned Herut and Begin for their part in the Deir Yassin massacre and likened the party "in its organization, methods, political philosophy and social appeal to the Nazi and Fascist parties" and accused it of preaching "an admixture of ultranationalism, religious mysticism, and racial superiority".
Decline
In the municipal elections of 1950, Herut lost voters to the centrist General Zionists, who also attracted disillusioned voters from Mapai and established themselves as a tough opposition rival to Herut. At the second national convention, Begin was challenged by more radical elements of his party. They wanted a more dynamic leadership, and thought he had adapted himself to the system. At the convention, Begin's proposal to send children abroad for security reasons, although there was a precedent for such a measure, sounded defeatist, and it was unanimously rejected. It was considered to have hurt the party's image. In March 1951, Herut lost two of its Knesset seats, with the defection of Ari Jabotinsky and Hillel Kook from the party to sit as independent MKs. Referring to previous written commitments, the party sought to revoke its Knesset membership, but the issue was still not settled by the next election three months later.Critics of the party leadership pointed out that the party had changed and lost its status as a radical avant-garde party. Uncompromising candidates had been removed from the party list for the upcoming elections, economic questions loomed large in the propaganda, and Mapai had co-opted some of the Herut agenda, not least by declaring Jerusalem as Israel's capital. These critics and outside commentators thought that Herut seemed irrelevant.
In the 1951 elections, Herut won eight seats, six less than previously. Begin resigned as leader, a move he had considered before the election because of the internal criticism. He was replaced by Aryeh Ben-Eliezer, whose leadership was nipped in the bud when he suffered a heart attack in late 1951. Ya'akov Rubin became party secretary general. Despite sending the party his resignation letter in August 1952 and going abroad to Europe, the party's national council voted instead to make Ben-Eliezer deputy chairman and grant Begin a six month leave of absence. Begin did not return to public life until January 1952, prompted to do so by the growing debate around the Reparations Agreement between Israel and the Federal Republic of Germany.
As a young party without institutions paralleling those of Mapai, who were predominant in most areas of social life, Herut was at a serious disadvantage. Its leaders were politically inexperienced and clung to the principle of not – as representatives of the entire nation – accepting financial support from any interest groups. They were prevented from building a strong and competent party structure because of this.
Begin's return
The Reparations Agreement between Israel and West Germany of 1952 brought Begin back into politics. It gave the party new momentum, and it proved an effective weapon against the General Zionists. The Reparations Agreement awoke strong sentiments in the nation, and Begin encouraged civil disobedience during the debate on the affair. The largest demonstrations gathered 15,000 people, and Herut reached far beyond its own constituency. The party let the issue fade from the agenda only after having wrested a maximum of political capital from it.The third national convention included a fierce debate about democracy and legitimate political actions. There was strong sentiment in favour of using the barricades, but Begin vigorously resisted it. The government of the nation, he claimed, could only be established via the ballot box. The convention gave Begin important legitimacy by sending a message to the public that the party was law-abiding and democratic. At the same time, it secured the support of the hard-liners who would not compromise on its principles.
Economic and fiscal policy were given greater emphasis, and the party attacked the Histadrut for its dual role as employer and trade union. It proposed to outlaw such concentration of power and also abolish party control of agricultural settlements. Herut reasoned that workers were empowered by private enterprise. A 25 per cent tax cut was also envisioned.
In the 1955 election, the party nearly doubled its seats to 15, and became the second-largest party in the Knesset, behind Mapai. Apart from an improved campaign, the accomplishment was attributed to the activist party platform in a situation of deteriorating security, to more support from recent immigrants and other disgruntled elements, and to disillusionment with the economic situation. The Kastner trial also played into Herut's hands, when, together with Maki, they helped bring down Moshe Sharett's government in 1954 through a motion of no-confidence over the government's position in the trial.
Herut added another seat in the 1959 elections, feeding on feelings of resentment against the dominant left that existed mainly among new Sephardi and Mizrahi immigrants. The party failed, however, to maintain the momentum of the previous election, and to make substantial gains, as had been hoped. As the young nation grew stronger, the public did not feel the same existential dread, lessening the impact of Herut's activist message, especially after the Suez Crisis, in which Ben-Gurion's performance was perceived favourably. The Wadi Salib riots a few months before the election caused the government to play the role of maintainer of law and order, which resonated well among the middle class. Mapai exploited the situation successfully by depicting Begin as dangerous.