First-generation college students in the United States


First-generation college students in the United States are college students whose parents did not complete a baccalaureate degree, or a child of a single parent who did not complete a baccalaureate degree. Although research has revealed that completion of a baccalaureate degree is significant in terms of upward socioeconomic mobility in the United States, a considerable body of research indicates that these students face significant systemic barriers to postsecondary education access, academic success once enrolled, and degree completion. Many of these obstacles result from systemic racial, cultural, social, and economic inequities.
Compared to their continuing-generation counterparts, first-generation college students are more likely to be older than their peers, have dependents, come from low-income families, attend college part-time, live off campus, have more work responsibilities, and hold traditionally disadvantaged ethnic and racial identities. While first-generation college students are less likely to complete their postsecondary education than their peers, those who do graduate often incur more debt to pay for their degree and accumulate less lifetime wealth than students whose parents completed a baccalaureate degree.

Population trends

As reported by the National Center for Education Statistics, 33.5% of undergraduate students had parents whose highest level of education was high school or less in the 2011–2012 school year.

Age and dependency status

In 2014 the NCES reported that the following percentages of college students by age had parents whose highest education level was high school or less.
  • 27.5% of students 18 years old or younger
  • 27.4% of students 19–23 years old
  • 35.6% of students 24–29 years old
  • 42.1% of students 30–39 years old
  • 50.2% of students 40 years old or older
A review of the literature on first-generation college students published by the Texas Guaranteed Student Loan Corporation cites a 2001 study which reported that 31% of first-generation college students were 24 years of age or older. A 1998 study cited in the same review reported that 13% of first-generation college students were 30 years of age or older. Additionally, 46% did not start attending college immediately after high school graduation. 37% were not dependents, and 18% were married.
The NCES report for the 2011–2012 school year states the shares of undergraduate students whose parents' highest level of education was high school or less by dependency and marriage status.
  • 25.4% of dependent students
  • 41.3% of independent students
  • 35.6% of students who are unmarried without dependents
  • 37.5% of students who are married without dependents
  • 47.5% of students who are unmarried with dependents
  • 44.0% of students who are married with dependents

    Employment

According to the NCES report for the 2011–2012 school year, the share of undergraduate full-time employed undergraduate students whose parents' highest education level was high school or less was 38.0%. This is slightly higher than the share of undergraduate students who did not work while enrolled whose parents' highest education level was high school or less. The share of part-time employed undergraduate students whose parents' highest education level was high school or less was 29.6%. Many first-generation students are forced to work to pay for their tuition.

Race

The NCES reported these percentages of undergraduate college students whose parents had a high school diploma or less for the 2011–2012 school year:
  • 47.8% of Hispanic students
  • 42.0% of Black African-American students
  • 39.6% of American Indian students
  • 32.9% of Asian students
  • 27.9% of White students
  • 24.6% of Pacific Islander students
  • 23.9% of students of two or more races

    Type of institution

The NCES report by Redford and Hoyer following students who were high school sophomores in 2002 states that 76% of first-generation college students first enrolled in public, 9% in private, and 16% in for-profit institutions. Regarding the selectivity of institutions where first-generation college students tend to enroll, the same NCES report states that 52% enrolled in 2-year institutions whose selectivity is unclassified. Students enrolled at moderately selective 4-year institutions comprised 16%, at inclusive 4-year institutions 9%, at unclassified 4-year institutions 9%, at unclassified less than two-year institutions 9%, and at highly selective 4-year institutions 6% of the total first-generation college student population.
The NCES 2011–2012 school year data shows that almost half of undergraduates enrolled in for-profit institutions have parents whose highest level of education was high school or less. Students whose parents' highest education level was high school or less also represented:
  • 33.0% of undergraduates at public universities
  • 56.2% of undergraduates at less than 2-year public universities
  • 38.3% of undergraduates at 2-year public universities
  • 25.9% of undergraduates at 4-year public universities
  • 23.1% of undergraduates at private nonprofit universities

    Adult students' experiences

Through interviews with first-generation college students older than 25 at a small liberal arts college, researchers Kathleen Byrd and Ginger Macdonald found that these students considered their age to be a positive contributor to their time management and self-advocacy skills. Having more experience navigating life and work contributed to their confidence. Some interviewees expressed that their self-advocacy skills in particular had helped to compensate for what they lacked in background knowledge, or cultural capital, of the college system in areas such as financial aid, student advising services, and student-professor relationships. Interviewees who were also parents cited their children as sources of motivation in their academic pursuits. In contrast to younger first-generation college students who may perceive their education as surpassing their parents, older first-generation college students may perceive their education in terms of being a role model for their children.

Online learning

According to a study of adult first-generation and continuing-generation online college students by Susan Dumais et al., most adult online learners, regardless of parent education level, are confident that they will succeed academically. However, ways that first-generation adult online learners differed from their continuing-generation counterparts in the study included "greater intrinsic motivation" to earn their degree and more usage of built-in student support services. Additionally, the first-generation students reported having more demanding work environments and less support from their employers to balance their work responsibilities with their family and academic responsibilities.

Social class and mobility

In an article from the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Stephens et al. observe that the institution of higher education in the United States of America is popularly viewed as an environment of equal opportunity regardless of social class background and a means for social mobility. Indeed, a 2002 report by Connie Ayala and Al Striplen cited in the TGSLC literature review asserts that first-generation college students are involved in a "deliberate attempt" to achieve upward social, economic, or occupational mobility. However, research by Jean Phinney et al. explain that first-generation college students' motivations for attending college also include helping one's family and responding to encouragement from others in addition to personal/career motivations. A study by Rebecca Covarrubias and Stephanie Fryburg equates first-generation college student status with a working-class family background and the university as a middle class environment. A study on first-generation college student retention rates in the U.S. revealed that a college education plays a significant role in students' potential for social mobility and status. While higher education provides opportunities for career advancement for non-FGCS, first-generation students may face financial challenges that hinder their ability to pursue further education, including financial issues, academics, and emotional stress.

Cultural capital

Stephens et al. show that working class and middle class societies have differing cultural capital and norms, and these differences are present in the way each class approaches and values higher education. The "cultural mismatch" between the college environment and first-generation college students' working-class backgrounds can be a source of academic disadvantage. Middle class students are typically socialized to value independence, and they are encouraged to approach college with the intention to "separate and distinguish themselves from their parents..., to find themselves, to develop their voices, to follow their passions, and to influence the world". On the other hand, working class students are often socialized to value interdependence, such as by "adjusting and responding to others' needs" and "being a part of a community", and may view college through a lens of interdependence as well. The article shows how American first and second tier universities included in their study do indeed reflect the middle class values of independence, creating a mismatch between the environment familiar to students of working-class backgrounds and the college environment. Stephens et al. propose that American institutions of higher education should broaden their culture to include messages that accept and encourage interdependence so to mitigate academic disadvantages due to cultural mismatch.

Social capital

Rice et al., in an article in the journal Counseling Psychology Quarterly, conducted qualitative interviews with 14 first-generation college students to better understand the social class worldview and identity of first-generation college students from the students' own perspectives. When attempting to label their own social class, terms of social and cultural capital were more relevant than formal indicators of social class such as income, education, and occupation. According to Stephens et al., first-generation college students' tendency to have different social capital than those they are surrounded by in the college environment makes it difficult for them to feel comfortable at college. For example, first-generation college students may not have relationships with college graduates, or they may lack a sense of belonging among their classmates. In addition some African American students have shown to be reluctant to seek help from school counselors, and instead seek spiritual guidance. Some of the interviewees found that shared life experiences allowed them to bond with and feel comfortable around each other despite social class differences. Studies show that the strongest predictors for college attendance and completion are academic preparation, social support, access to information, parental involvement and knowledge about college, and financial aid. Another form of social support is the prevalence of strong social networks that support a student's academic and emotional development. Federally funded programs such as Upward Bound, Talent Search, Gear Up, and non-profit organizations such as AVID have been implemented at the secondary level to prepare first-generation students for college through academic counseling, college field trips, study skill development, and support from college graduates.