De Leonism
De Leonism, also known as Marxism–De Leonism, is a Marxist tendency developed by Curaçaoan-American trade union organizer and theoretician Daniel De Leon. De Leon was a leader of the Socialist Labor Party of America from 1890 until his death, during which time he developed the theory of socialist industrial unionism as a revolutionary strategy.
De Leonist theory advocates dual organization – the simultaneous building of socialist industrial unions in workplaces and a socialist political party to achieve revolutionary change through both economic and political action. This approach distinguishes De Leonism from both Leninist vanguardism and pure syndicalism, proposing instead a "peaceful" revolution achieved through electoral victory combined with workplace organization. The theory envisions workers electing representatives to an "All-Industrial Congress" that would replace traditional government structures, with both the political party and the state ultimately withering away.
Despite De Leon's theoretical innovations and international influence—including on British socialist education through the Plebs' League and figures like Noah Ablett—De Leonist organizations have been widely criticized for sectarianism and dogmatism. This contributed to organizational splits, including the 1901 formation of the Socialist Party of America by dissident SLP members, and the eventual decline of De Leonist parties worldwide. The original Socialist Labor Party of America ceased operations in 2008, though De Leonism's emphasis on industrial unionism and dual organization contributed to the development of revolutionary labor theory and influenced later thinkers including Antonio Gramsci.
Historical development
The development of De Leonist theory occurred over a 25-year period, shaped by Daniel De Leon's evolving understanding of American labor conditions and his practical experiences with various socialist and labor organizations.Early influences and academic career
Daniel De Leon was born on December 14, 1852, in Curaçao, and arrived in the United States in 1874. After earning a law degree from Columbia University with honors in 1878, he practiced law briefly before returning to Columbia as a lecturer in international law from 1883 to 1889. His academic career ended when he was not reappointed in 1889, possibly due to his increasing political activities.De Leon's entry into socialist politics began through his involvement with Edward Bellamy's Nationalist movement in 1888, inspired by Bellamy's utopian novel Looking Backward. Dissatisfied with the middle-class nature of the Bellamy movement, he joined the Knights of Labor, then the most prominent mass labor organization in America.
Socialist Labor Party period and theoretical development
In 1890, De Leon joined the Socialist Labor Party of America, becoming assistant editor of its newspaper The People in 1891 and chief editor in 1892, a position he held until his death in 1914. His theoretical development occurred in distinct phases, moving from attempting to work within existing labor organizations to developing his distinctive approach to revolutionary change.Initially, De Leon held "illusions about the possibility of revolutionary socialists gaining control of the American Federation of Labor and the Knights of Labor" through a strategy of "boring from within." However, after several years of unsuccessful attempts to radicalize these organizations, he became "completely disenchanted with the mass unions."
Formation of the Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance
This disillusionment led to a pivotal development in De Leonist theory. In 1895, De Leon was instrumental in forming the Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance, "the first labor union in the U.S. to declare the necessity of replacing capitalism by social ownership of the industries." The STLA represented the practical application of De Leon's evolving ideas about revolutionary industrial unionism, embodying "some of the principles set forth in Daniel De Leon's speech" and marking his break from attempts to reform existing labor organizations.Crystallization of De Leonist theory
The theoretical culmination of De Leon's ideas came with his 1904 address The Burning Question of Trades Unionism, which "marks the first decided advance in Socialist theory since the time of Marx." By this time, De Leon had not yet fully developed his "socialist industrial union" program, with the nearly complete development taking place around 1904. His concept was "no Utopian blueprint dreamed up in a vacuum," but rather "was developed as a result of his active participation in the labor movement, first in the Knights of Labor and later in the STLA."Industrial Workers of the World and final years
In 1905, De Leon helped found the Industrial Workers of the World, merging the STLA into the new organization. However, his participation was short-lived due to conflicts over political strategy, as IWW extremists "rejected political activity of the sort that he advocated and who favoured more violent tactics." When De Leon died on May 11, 1914, he had left "both a clear concept of the socialist goal in America—a democratic cooperative commonwealth based on industry—and a programmatic conception—socialist industrial unionism—for achieving that goal."Revolutionary strategy
The practical implementation of De Leonist theory relies on a specific revolutionary strategy that emphasizes coordinated action across both political and economic spheres. According to this approach, workers would simultaneously form socialist industrial unions in the workplaces and a socialist political party that would organize in the political realm. This dual organization would build strength until achieving sufficient support for a victory at the polls, at which point the political party would be voted into office, giving the De Leonist program a mandate from the people. The theory assumes that by this stage, the socialist industrial unions will have attained sufficient strength in the workplaces for workers to take control of the means of production.This electoral and workplace victory would then be accompanied by a transfer of control of the factories, mines, farms, and other means of production to workers councils organized within the industrial unions. De Leonists distinguish this revolutionary moment from the general strike to take control of the workplaces advocated by anarcho-syndicalists and refer to it instead as a "general lockout of the ruling class".
Following this transfer of power, the existing government would be replaced with a government elected from within the socialist industrial unions, and the newly elected socialist government would quickly enact whatever constitutional amendments or other changes in the structure of government needed to bring this about, adjourning sine die. Workers on the shop floor would elect local shop floor committees needed to continue production and representatives to local and national councils representing their particular industry.
The new governmental structure would be fundamentally different from traditional political systems. Workers would elect representatives to a congress, called an All-Industrial Congress, which would effectively function as the government. These representatives would be subject to a recall vote at any time. De Leonism would thus reorganize the national government along industrial lines with representatives elected by industry rather than by geographical districts.
Relationship to other socialist movements
This distinctive approach to revolutionary change and governmental organization sets De Leonism apart from other socialist traditions in several key ways.Comparison with Leninism
De Leonism lies outside the Leninist tradition of communism, predating it by over a decade. De Leonism's principles developed in the early 1890s, while Leninism and its idea of a vanguard party took shape after the 1902 publication of Lenin's What Is to Be Done? The fundamental difference lies in their approach to revolutionary leadership: De Leonism depends on achieving majority support among the people both in the workplace and at the polls, contrasting sharply with the Leninist notion that a small vanguard party should lead the working class.De Leonism is generally opposed to the policies of the former Soviet Union, China, and other socialist states, which it does not consider socialist but rather state capitalist or following "bureaucratic state despotism." The decentralized nature of the proposed De Leonist government contrasts with the democratic centralism of Marxism–Leninism.
Relationship with democratic socialism and syndicalism
Despite rejecting Leninist vanguardism, De Leonism also lies outside the "democratic socialist" and "social democratic" traditions. De Leonists have issued frequent polemics against democratic socialist movements, especially the Socialist Party of America, considering them reformist or "bourgeois socialist." This anti-reformist stance places De Leonism in the "impossibilist" tradition alongside the Socialist Party of Great Britain.While sharing characteristics with syndicalism, De Leonism distinguishes itself through its emphasis on dual organization—combining industrial unions with political party activity. Traditional syndicalists often reject political action entirely, whereas De Leonists view both economic and political organization as necessary for revolutionary change.