Anti-gender movement
The anti-gender movement is a global right-wing social movement in opposition to concepts it refers to as "gender ideology" or "gender theory". These terms are loosely defined, and encompass a range of subjects related to feminism and LGBTQ rights, as well as progressivism in general. The movement has drawn support from right-wing populist groups, religious conservative organizations, social conservatives, and the far-right worldwide. It views advancement in gender equality and gender and sexual diversity as a threat to traditional family values, religious beliefs, and established social norms.
The movement's beliefs derive from Catholic theology, and its origin can be dated to as early as the 1970s, though it drew greater attention and membership starting in 2012 through public protest. Operating on a transnational scale, the movement engages in political and legislative action targeting various domains, including reproductive rights, inclusive language, same-sex marriage, transgender people, the social constructionist view of gender, and academic disciplines like gender studies. While some parts of the movement focus specifically on opposing LGBTQ rights, others address broader fears about gender-related social changes.
The movement has been criticized for encouraging discrimination, undermining human rights protections, and promoting misinformation and rhetoric against LGBTQ people. The notion of a pervasive and institutionalized "gender ideology" has been described as a moral panic and conspiracy theory.
Terminology
In many non-English-speaking countries, anti-gender activists frequently avoid using local translations of the word gender, opting instead for the English term to imply that gender is an imported or foreign concept. The term gender ideology, central to the anti-gender movement, lacks a consistent or coherent definition and encompasses a wide range of issues. Scholars such as Stefanie Mayer and Birgit Sauer describe it as an "empty signifier", while Agnieszka Graff characterizes it as a catch-all term for ideas opposed by conservative Catholics.The terms gender ideology, gender theory, and genderism are often used interchangeably by the movement but are distinct from the academic field of gender studies. Within gender studies, substantial debates and disagreements exist; however, these nuances are typically overlooked by anti-gender proponents. Elizabeth Corredor argues that gender ideology functions as both a political and epistemological challenge to emancipatory ideas surrounding gender, sex, and sexuality. Corredor also notes that the anti-gender movement exploits internal divisions within feminist and LGBTQ movements to further its agenda.
The movement accuses a diverse range of individuals and groups of promoting gender ideology. These include politicians, particularly those identified as liberal, green, or leftist; women's rights and LGBTQ activists; gender policy officers in public administration; and academics specializing in gender studies. By framing these actors as proponents of gender ideology, the movement consolidates opposition to gender equity and diversity initiatives.
Anti-gender activists may portray the European Union and other international organizations as manipulated by several lobbies, such as American billionaires, Cultural Marxists, Freemasons, feminists, the LGBTQ lobby, or Jews. Proponents present themselves as defenders of free speech, thought, and conscience against the "gender ideology", which they label as "totalitarian".
The ideology is allegedly pushed by a secret cabal of corrupt elites, or foreign entities such as the European Union, World Health Organization, or United Nations, for the purpose of weakening, undermining, or destroying families, the Catholic Church, the nation, and/or Western civilization. The term has been adopted by Donald Trump and was used in an executive order titled "Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government", which seeks to erase official federal recognition of transgender people and roll back their protections.
The term gender ideology originated within the Catholic Church in the 1990s. Mary Anne Case writes that the term gender ideology entered Catholic Church usage in conjunction with the 1995 World Conference on Women, and, in particular, activist Dale O'Leary's pamphlet "Gender: The Deconstruction of Women/Analysis of the Gender Perspective in Preparation for the Fourth World Conference on Women", which was presented to Pope Benedict XVI. O'Leary herself was inspired by Christina Hoff Sommers's book Who Stole Feminism?. The term then came into common usage among churches in Latin America, as well as the World Congress of Families.
Pope Francis stated that "gender ideology" would undermine the Catholic Church's position on gender complementarity, comparing it to nuclear weapons, and said it was one of the "Herods that destroy, that plot designs of death, that disfigure the face of man and woman, destroying creation". In 2019, the Catholic Church released the first major document dealing specifically with "gender ideology", which states that there are only two biologically determined genders or sexes. According to Corredor,
Origins
International conferences in the mid-1990s
The origins of the anti-gender movement have often been traced to discussions within the Catholic Church in the 1990s. These discussions were a response to the outcomes of the United Nations' 1994 International Conference on Population and Development and the 1995 World Conference on Women, during which the UN began formally recognizing sexual and reproductive rights. The Holy See expressed concern that such recognition could lead to the classification of abortion as a human right, the erosion of traditional motherhood, and the normalization of homosexuality. Within this context, the term gender was perceived by the Holy See as a strategy to challenge and destabilize the "natural family".In 1997, American journalist Dale O'Leary, associated with Opus Dei and known for her anti-abortion stance, published a book titled The Gender Agenda. In the book, O'Leary likened the concept of gender to a covert operation, stating: "the Gender Agenda sails into communities not as a tall ship, but as a submarine, determined to reveal as little of itself as possible." The theological basis for the Catholic Church's opposition to gender theory was rooted in John Paul II's theology of the body, which emphasized the complementary and distinct roles of the sexes.
While the conceptual framework of the anti-gender movement was established by 2003, visible protests associated with the movement began emerging in European countries around 2012–2013. By 2019, the movement had expanded beyond its Catholic origins, gaining broader support within right-wing political circles, although Catholic actors remain significant proponents.
1980s Church origins
Researcher Mary Anne Case traces the origins of the anti-gender movement to the early 1980s, during the tenure of Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, who later became Pope Benedict XVI. At that time, Ratzinger observed the popularity of feminist literature in Germany that argued gender was socially constructed. Additionally, he noted changes in German law allowing transgender individuals to legally change their gender, developments that drew Vatican scrutiny. Case contends that claims for transgender rights, alongside feminist advocacy, were foundational concerns for the Vatican regarding gender. These issues were not recent additions but central to the Church's focus on the influence of secular legal developments related to gender.Later developments
Trans-exclusionary radical feminism or gender-critical feminism
Scholars Serena Bassi and Greta LaFleur observe that the trans-exclusionary radical feminist movement and the anti-gender movement are rarely treated as distinct, despite their differing origins and objectives. Research by Pearce, Erikainen, and Vincent notes that the term gender ideology, historically central to the anti-gender movement, began to gain traction within trans-exclusionary radical feminist discourse around 2016.Claire Thurlow argues that gender-critical feminism often relies on transphobic tropes, moral panics, and essentialist views of men and women. These characteristics, she contends, align trans-exclusionary feminism with anti-feminist reactionary politics and other anti-gender movements. Judith Butler has characterized the anti-gender ideology movement as a neo-fascist phenomenon and has warned leftist individuals and groups against aligning with it.Scholars have highlighted the movement's distinctive nature compared to traditional forms of anti-feminism. Andrea Pető describes it as a "fundamentally new phenomenon" aimed at reshaping global sociopolitical orders.
This overlap of rhetoric and strategies highlights the connections between trans-exclusionary feminism and broader anti-gender campaigns, despite their differing ideological foundations.
Scholars have highlighted the promotion of gender-critical positions within legal arenas as part of the broader anti-gender movement, citing Reem Alsalem as a prominent example.