History of African Americans in Detroit


Black Detroiters are black or African American residents of Detroit. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, Black or African Americans living in Detroit accounted for 79.1% of the total population, or approximately 532,425 people as of 2017 estimates. According to the 2000 U.S. census, of all U.S. cities with 100,000 or more people, Detroit had the second-highest percentage of Black people.
Many black Detroiters have moved to the suburbs or Southern cities such as Atlanta, Dallas, Houston, Birmingham, Memphis, San Antonio and Jackson. Nearby suburbs also had higher Black populations, reflecting the history of settlement of African Americans here during the Great Migration of the early 20th century, when people were attracted to Detroit's industrial jobs: Southfield had a Black population of 42,259, and Pontiac 31,416. In 2002 the Michigan city with the highest percentage of Black residents was Highland Park, where 93% of the population is Black. In the 2010 census, African Americans made up 22.8% of the total city and metropolitan area population in Wayne, Oakland, and Macomb counties.
File:Charles Wright African-American Museum.jpg|thumb|Charles H. Wright Museum of African-American History, founded in 1965 in Detroit

History of African-American settlement

Pre-1865

Among African Americans who moved to Detroit from the American South before the end of slavery were George and Richard DeBaptiste. They attended classes taught by Rev. Samuel H. Davis, the pastor at the Second Baptist Church in the city. Marcus Dale attended the African Methodist Episcopal church led by Rev. John M. Brown and others. In the days before the Civil War began, Detroit was an important site on the Underground Railroad, in which local people aided the passage of fugitive slaves to freedom. Its location just across the river from Canada, where slavery was abolished in 1834, made it a destination for many seeking freedom. Although Michigan was a free territory, some refugee slaves wanted to go over the border to Canada to prevent being captured by slavecatchers. Others settled in Detroit.
Local blacks involved in the Underground Railroad work included Samuel C. Watson, William Whipper, Richard and George DeBaptiste, and others. William Lambert, Laura Haviland, and Henry Bibb were also involved. Many Detroit African Americans served in the American Civil War. The 102nd Regiment United States Colored Troops of Michigan and Illinois was recruited in large part in Detroit.
Blacks in Detroit had to face rising tensions from ethnic whites before and after the Emancipation Proclamation was issued in January 1863. A Democratic Party paper, The Detroit Free Press, supported white supremacy and opposed President Abraham Lincoln's handling of the war. In addition, it consistently presented issues of the day as problems due to competition with free blacks, projecting threats to white men's power and forecasting worse labor problems if the mass of slaves were freed. In March 1863, a race riot broke out in Detroit. Catalyzed by the arrest of a mixed-race man for allegedly molesting a white girl, a white mob attacked blacks and their neighborhood, resulting in two deaths, numerous people injured, 35 houses and businesses destroyed, and more than 200 people left homeless. As a result, the city established its first full-time police force.

1865-1890

After the war, African Americans formed an important political block in the city, led by Watson, George DeBaptiste, John D. Richards, and Walter Y. Clark. Saginaw's William Q. Atwood was an important figure outside Detroit who influenced the city's African-American politics as well.

1890-1929

Before World War I, Detroit had about 4,000 Black people, 1% of its population. In the 1890s, journalist and founder of the black paper, Detroit Plaindealer, Robert Pelham Jr. and lawyer D. Augustus Straker worked in Detroit and throughout the state to create branches of the National Afro-American League. The pair were active, in part through the league, in supporting Blacks in legal trouble. Pelham was also an important figure in the league at a national level.
The first major period of Black growth occurred from 1910 to 1930, during the economic expansion in the auto industry. At the time in Detroit, most Blacks lived in mixed communities containing other racial groups, often recent European immigrants, as both groups were making their way and had to take older housing.
Due to the war effort in World War I, many men enlisted in the armed forces, and employers needed workers. They recruited African Americans from the South, who were also on the move as part of the first Great Migration. They sought more opportunity and a chance to leave behind the oppression of the Jim Crow South. From 1910 to 1930, the Black population of Detroit increased from under 6,000 to over 120,000, as the city developed as the fourth largest in the country. By 1920, of Michigan's Black residents, 87% were born outside of the state, and most of those came from the South. Because landlords began to restrict access to housing, Black residents were forced into small districts, which became overcrowded as the population grew. T. J. Sugrue, author of The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit, wrote that the first geographic racial divisions between Whites and Blacks developed during the Great Migration.
In 1912 the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People founded a Detroit chapter. The Detroit Urban League was founded in 1916. Both organizations used the support of Black churches. Steve Babson, author of Working Detroit: The Making of a Union Town, wrote that in the early 20th century the Black population "was relatively behind the middle-class leadership" of the NAACP and the Urban League.
Around the 1920s and 1930s Black people working in Henry Ford's factories settled in Inkster because they did not want to commute from Detroit and they were not allowed to live in Dearborn. Whites resisted even middle-class blacks moving into their neighborhoods. In 1925 the State of Michigan charged physician Ossian Sweet with murder after he used a shotgun to kill a white man who was part of a mob trying to force him to leave his newly purchased house, located in a mostly white neighborhood. Sweet was acquitted of his charges.

1930-present

During the Great Depression, the population stagnated. The Black population growth was at the lowest rate since 1910. As the US entry into World War II disrupted the labor market by drafting numbers of young men, the demand for labor grew with the expansion of the war industries. Sections of the auto industry were converted to wartime production of the arsenal and vehicles needed for war, and a new wave of Black people migrated from the South. President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued an Executive Order to prevent discrimination among defense contractors, increasing opportunities for minorities in the range of jobs and supervisory positions. This was resisted by some working-class Whites. In the period from 1940 to 1950, more than 66% of the Black population in Detroit had been born outside the area, with most born in the South. The increase in population had strained city schools and services for all residents.

Housing Crisis

Competition in employment and housing spheres increased social tensions in the city. Insufficient housing opportunities for African Americans led to a polarized political and economic landscape. The government attempted to ease the housing pressure by building projects for working-class families, but whites resented placement of these projects in their neighborhoods. As a result, black housing was allocated in deeply impoverished areas that regressed into further dangerous and disease filled locations. Since Black individuals were forced to take low-earning jobs, the density of Black families in this area known as "Black Bottom" increased, and further exacerbated its destitute living conditions. Federal housing policies effectively stymied the progress of African Americans in the city of Detroit, and, consequently, housing shortages disproportionately targeted African American citizens. African Americans in Detroit were systematically shut out of the housing market due to structural racism. This hindered their ability to accumulate generational wealth, putting generations of African Americans at a disproportionate economic disadvantage.
Redlining
was prevalent as structures of disinvestment amplified hypersegregation along both racial and economic lines. In 1935, the Federal Home Loan Bank Act commissioned 239 lending maps for the Federal Housing Administration and the Home Owners Loan Corporation to document and evaluate what neighborhoods throughout the country were lending risks. Many areas of Detroit were redlined as a result of being designated "high risk" neighborhoods. Neighborhoods that were graded as hazardous for lending were primarily composed of minority groups, and these redlined neighborhoods illustrated the ways in which economic inequality disproportionately targeted African Americans. Citizens residing in these neighborhoods were denied loans by lending institutions, and consequently they were unable to purchase or fix homes. Since black individuals were not able to leave their impoverished neighborhoods and were not able to improve their homes through loans, the concentration of poverty within black bottom increased. Such policies worsen the condition of black housing solely on the basis of race. The lack of mobility for black people reaffirmed stereotypes white communities held about the moral integrity of black neighborhoods because of the destitute conditions black communities were stuck in.
Racially Restrictive Covenants
Federal and state policies further exacerbated segregation through the use of racially restrictive covenants within the city. Racially restrictive covenants were legally bound contracts that outlawed the residency of African Americans within a given area. These covenants ensured the maintenance of racial homogeneity in white neighborhoods and their use was incentivized by early federal housing policy that awarded higher ratings to racially homogeneous neighborhoods. By 1940, 80% of Detroit's residencies abided by racial covenants, and thereby restricted black housing to historically impoverished and dangerous areas on the basis of race. The Michigan Supreme Court upheld the enforceability of racial covenants.