Lincoln–Douglas debates
The Lincoln–Douglas debates were a series of seven debates in 1858 between Abraham Lincoln, the Republican Party candidate for the United States Senate from Illinois, and incumbent Senator Stephen Douglas, the Democratic Party candidate. Until the Seventeenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which provides that senators shall be elected by the people of their states, was ratified in 1913, senators were elected by their respective state legislatures. Therefore, Lincoln and Douglas were trying to win the people's votes for legislators in the Illinois General Assembly, aligned with their respective political parties.
The debates were designed to generate publicity—some of the first examples of what in modern parlance would be characterized as "media events". For Lincoln, they were an opportunity to raise both his state and national profile and that of the burgeoning Republican Party, newly organized four years before in Ripon, Wisconsin, in 1854. For Senator Douglas, they were an opportunity to defend his record—especially his role in promoting the doctrine of popular sovereignty in regard to the issue of American black slavery and its role in the passage of the Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854. The candidates spoke in each of Illinois's nine congressional districts. They had already spoken in the state capital of Springfield and in the state's largest city of Chicago within a day of each other, so they decided that their future joint appearances would be held in the remaining seven congressional districts. Since Douglas was the incumbent, he had very little to gain from these debates. However, Lincoln, only a one-term U.S. Representative a decade before, was gaining support, having spoken the day after Douglas spoke in Chicago, and thus presenting a rejoinder Douglas could not answer back with a rebuttal. Each debate lasted about three hours, with each candidate speaking for thirty minutes, followed by a ninety-minute response and a final thirty-minute rejoinder by the first candidate. As the incumbent, Douglas spoke first in four of the debates, and Douglas and Lincoln alternated who spoke first at the remaining debates. They were held outdoors, weather permitting, from about 2 to 5 p.m.
The debates focused on slavery, specifically on whether it should be allowed in the new states to be formed from the western federal territories acquired through the Louisiana Purchase of 1803 and the Mexican Cession of 1849. Douglas, as the Democratic candidate, held that the decision should be made by the white residents of the new states rather than by the federal government. Lincoln argued against the expansion of slavery, yet stressed that he was not advocating its abolition where it already existed.
Never in American history had there been widespread newspaper coverage of political debates. Both candidates felt they were speaking to the whole nation. New technology had become available in recent years: railroad networks, the electric telegraph with its Morse code, and Pitman shorthand writing, at that time called "phonography". The state's largest newspapers, based in Chicago, sent phonographers—now known as stenographers—to copy and report complete texts of each debate; thanks to the new railroads, the debates were not hard to reach from Chicago. Halfway through each debate and series of speeches, runners were handed the stenographers' notes. They raced to meet the next train to Chicago, handing the notes to railway riding stenographers who during the journey converted the shorthand symbols and abbreviations back into their original words, producing a transcript ready for the Chicago typesetters printing presses, and for the telegrapher, who sent the texts to the rest of the country east of the Rocky Mountains, which was as far as the telegraph wires reached. The next train would deliver the conclusion of the debate. The papers published the speeches in full, sometimes within hours of their delivery. Some newspapers helped their preferred candidate with minor corrections, reports on the audience's positive reaction, or tendentious headlines. The newswire of the Associated Press, then only a decade old, sent messages simultaneously to multiple points, enabling newspapers and magazines east of the Rockies to print the debates soon after they occurred, which led to the debates rapidly becoming nationally followed events. They were later republished as pamphlets.
The debates took place between August and October of 1858. Newspapers reported 12,000 in attendance in Ottawa, 16,000 to 18,000 in Galesburg, 15,000 in Freeport,
12,000 in Quincy, and at the last debate in Alton, 5,000 to 10,000. The debates near Illinois's borders drew large numbers of people from neighboring states. A number travelled within Illinois to follow the debates.
Douglas was re-elected by the Illinois General Assembly, 54–46. But Lincoln's party had won the popular vote in what historian Allen Guelzo labels "an upset, not just in terms of those voting statistics", but in making Lincoln a national figure and laying the groundwork for his 1860 presidential campaign.
As part of that endeavor, Lincoln edited the texts of all the debates and had them published in a book. It sold well and helped him receive the Republican Party's nomination for president at the 1860 Republican National Convention in Chicago.
Background
Douglas was elected to the United States Senate in 1846, and he was seeking re-election for a third term in 1858. The issue of slavery was raised several times during his tenure in the Senate, particularly with respect to the Compromise of 1850. As chairman of the committee on U.S. territories, he argued for an approach to slavery called popular sovereignty: electorates in the territories would vote whether to adopt or reject slavery. Decisions previously had been made at the federal level concerning slavery in the territories. Douglas introduced the Kansas–Nebraska Act in the Senate. It became law on May 30, 1854, repealing the Missouri Compromise and "substituting for the ban on slavery what Douglas called 'popular sovereignty'... arous a storm of protest throughout the North". The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History's Mr. Lincoln and Friends Society notes that prominent Bloomington, Illinois resident Jesse W. Fell, a local real estate developer who founded the Bloomington Pantagraph and who befriended Lincoln in 1834, had suggested the debates in 1854.Lincoln was elected to Congress in 1846, and he served a two-year term in the House of Representatives. During his tenure in the Congress, he disagreed with Douglas and supported the Wilmot Proviso, which sought to ban slavery in any new territory. He returned to politics in the 1850s to oppose the Kansas–Nebraska Act and to help develop the new Republican Party.
Before the debates, Lincoln charged that Douglas was encouraging fears of amalgamation of the races, with enough success to drive thousands of people away from the Republican Party. Douglas replied that Lincoln was an abolitionist for saying that the United States Declaration of Independence applied to both blacks and whites.
Lincoln argued in his House Divided Speech that Douglas was part of a conspiracy to nationalize slavery. Lincoln said that ending the Missouri Compromise ban on slavery in Kansas and Nebraska was the first step in this nationalizing and that the Dred Scott decision was another step in the direction of spreading slavery into Northern territories. He expressed the fear that any similar Supreme Court decision would turn Illinois into a slave state.
Much has been written of Lincoln's rhetorical style but, going into the debates, Douglas's reputation was a daunting one. As James G. Blaine later wrote:
The debates
When Lincoln made the debates into a book, in 1860, he included the following material as preliminaries:- Speech at Springfield by Lincoln, June 16, the "Lincoln's House Divided Speech" speech
- Speech at Chicago by Douglas, July 9
- Speech at Chicago by Lincoln, July 10
- Speech at Bloomington by Douglas, July 16
- Speech at Springfield by Douglas, July 17
- Speech at Springfield by Lincoln, July 17
- Preliminary correspondence of Lincoln and Douglas, July 24–31
- Ottawa on August 21
- Freeport on August 27
- Jonesboro on September 15
- Charleston on September 18
- Galesburg on October 7
- Quincy on October 13
- Alton on October 15
Ottawa
Lincoln said at Ottawa:Lincoln said in the first debate, in Ottawa, that popular sovereignty would nationalize and perpetuate slavery. Douglas replied that both Whigs and Democrats believed in popular sovereignty and that the Compromise of 1850 was an example of this. Lincoln said that the national policy was to limit the spread of slavery, and he mentioned the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 as an example of this policy, which banned slavery from a large part of the Midwest.
The Compromise of 1850 allowed the territories of Utah and New Mexico to decide for or against slavery, but it also allowed the admission of California as a free state, reduced the size of the slave state of Texas by adjusting the boundary, and ended the slave trade in the District of Columbia. In return, the South got the Fugitive Slave Law, which was stronger than the Fugitive Slave Act of 1793. Douglas said that the Compromise of 1850 replaced the Missouri Compromise's ban on slavery in the Louisiana Purchase territory north and west of the state of Missouri, while Lincoln said—a topic he went back to in the Jonesboro debate—that Douglas was mistaken in seeing "Popular Sovereignty" and the Dred Scott decision as being in harmony with the Compromise of 1850. To the contrary, "Popular Sovereignty" would nationalize slavery.
There were partisan remarks, such as Douglas's accusations that members of the "Black Republican" party were abolitionists, including Lincoln, and he cited as proof Lincoln's House Divided Speech, in which he said, "I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free." Douglas also charged Lincoln with opposing the Dred Scott decision because "it deprives the negro of the rights and privileges of citizenship." Lincoln responded that "the next Dred Scott decision" could bring about "the nationalization of slavery". Douglas accused Lincoln of wanting to overthrow state laws, which were popular with the northern Democrats, that excluded Black people from states such as Illinois. Lincoln did not argue for complete social equality, but he did say that Douglas ignored the basic humanity of Black people and that slaves did have an equal right to liberty, stating, "I agree with Judge Douglas he is not my equal in many respects—certainly not in color, perhaps not in moral or intellectual endowment. But in the right to eat the bread, without the leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man".
Lincoln said that he did not know how emancipation should happen. He believed in colonization in Africa by emancipated slaves, but admitted that it was impractical. He said that it would be wrong for emancipated slaves to be treated as "underlings", but that there was a large opposition to social and political equality and that "a universal feeling, whether well or ill-founded, cannot be safely disregarded." He said that Douglas's public indifference would result in the expansion of slavery because it would mold public sentiment to accept it. As Lincoln said, "public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment, nothing can fail; without it, nothing can succeed. Consequently he who molds public sentiment goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces decisions. He makes statutes and decisions possible or impossible to be executed." He said that Douglas "cares not whether slavery is voted down or voted up," and that he would "blow out the moral lights around us" and eradicate the love of liberty.